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Politics~Southern Africa~~~4796~4797~%3Cbr%3ESouthern Africa politics. Colonization & independence, terrorism, freedom fighters, armed struggle .~
A Diplomat's Story: Apartheid and Beyond 1969-1998 - Pieter Wolvaardt~Pieter Wolvaardt joined the South African Department of Foreign Affairs in 1969 as a raw Afrikaans youngster. He served his apprenticeship at home in the Union Buildings and as a junior diplomat in Brazil from 1970 to 1973. He went through the thick of the apartheid days when the world ignored South Africa and most countries cut ties, officially defending the indefensible but all the time knowing that apartheid was wrong. After spells in London and Lisbon he found himself back in Pretoria on the South American desk just in time for the 1982 Falklands War between Great Britain and Argentina. He takes us into the time when South Africa was performing a balancing act between those two countries and going through all manner of difficulties in the process. In 1986, while serving as ambassador in Buenos Aires, he was expelled from the country after the SADF mounted simultaneous raids against ANC installations in Botswana , Zimbabwe and Zambia . From 1986 to 1990 he was back in Brazil. In 1994 President Nelson Mandela appointed him as South Africa 's first Ambassador to Mexico . He retired after a successful career with the Department of Foreign Affairs in 1998.
ISBN 1-919854-15-0. Paperback, 336pp; size 242 X 168mm, 32pp of black and white and colour pics, map.~ISBN 1-919854-15-0
Paperback, 336pp; size 242 X 168mm
32pp of black and white and colour pics, map.
29-year career as a diplomat in the Department of Foreign Affairs ran from 1969 to 1998. In these recollections he deals with the age-old dilemma that all South African diplomats had to contend with, namely working around morally questionable government policies.
His introduction to overseas service was in the exotic city of Rio de Janeiro . From there he was posted to London where activists demonstrating outside South Africa House were a constant reminder of the world's abhorrence of apartheid. He moved to Lisbon where he became engaged in efforts to gain the freedom of a South African POW in Angolan hands. All his postings afterwards, with the exception of occasional spells in Pretoria , were in Latin America - a continent he became a specialist in.
He writes how Eddie Dunn, South Africa 's Ambassador to El Salvador , was kidnapped and murdered by leftist guerrillas despite major efforts to effect his release. He was the only South African diplomat ever to have suffered this fate.
In the apartheid days the government gave orders for the favela (slum) areas in Rio , mostly occupied by black Brazilians, to be secretly photographed. The bizarre idea was for them to be produced at the UN as a counter to Brazil 's attacks on South Africa 's racial policies. The move was abandoned when it was pointed out that this would probably result in Brazil severing diplomatic relations with South Africa . Other odd political situations arose like when South Africa was falling over backwards in its efforts to normalise relations with Brazil , but it refused to allow Pele - arguably the most prominent soccer player in the world - to play football in the country because he was black.
In the late 60s moves were made to establish a South Atlantic Pact involving the South African, Brazilian and Argentinian navies. This had to be abandoned after a world-wide uproar about South Africa 's apartheid policies.
War broke out between Britain and Argentina on 2 April 1982 over the latter's invasion of the Falkland Islands . The author was on the Latin American desk in Pretoria and he dealt with the crisis on a daily basis. South Africa adopted a neutral stance - much of it concerning the British use or otherwise of the Simon's Town naval base. He reveals for the first time the inside story of how South Africa battled to maintain that neutrality.
In May 1986 when he was South Africa 's Head of Mission in Buenos Aires , Argentina , the SADF launched ground assaults by Special Forces against ANC targets in Zimbabwe and Botswana . Simultaneously SAAF jets struck ANC targets in Zambia . It was reputed that President PW Botha ordered the raids to make it impossible for the Commonwealth's Eminent Persons Group to continue with its political survey of South Africa . This resulted in the EPG packing their bags and leaving. But they weren't the only ones who had to pack their bags. Unfortunately for the author, Argentina decided to break diplomatic relations with South Africa over the incidents. He was declared persona non grata and expelled from the country.
In early 90s the political situation began to normalise after President FW de Klerk lifted the ban on the ANC and other organisations. During this period the author travelled widely in Latin America establishing and normalising South Africa 's relations. He also accompanied President de Klerk on state visits to various Latin American countries where they were welcomed with open arms - including Argentina which had expelled the author only a few short years before!
In 1994 President FW de Klerk appointed the author as South Africa 's first Ambassador to Mexico . While based there, President Nelson Mandela appointed him as non-resident ambassador to Costa Rica , Guatemala , Honduras and Panama . He also worked extensively elsewhere in Central America .
He retired from the service in 1998.~A Diplomat%27s Story Apartheid and Beyond%3A 1969-1998 by Pieter Wolvaardt|X ISBN 1919854150|~4796~11085~South African Foreign Affairs,~
A Long Night’s Damage: Working for the Apartheid State - Col. Eugene de Kock as told to Jeremy Gordin~On 30 April 1993 Colonel Eugene de Kock was discharged from the South African Police ahead of further investigations into his activities as head of the Security Police's section C1 at the notorious Vlakplaas Farm north of Pretoria. By then the ruling National Party was engaged in a massive damage control exercise. Many officers of the Security Forces as well as De Kock himself were being eyed as possible scapegoats. As it transpired at his trial, De Kock was the government's chief assassin. But De Kock was not an put-of-control policeman, he was an officer acting under orders. In this book he names the men who gave him orders, what they ordered him to do and for what reasons. He lifts the curtain on a heinous period of South African history when the architects of apartheid thought that any means justified their ends. But Colonel Eugene de Kock is not going to lie down and say nothing. This book lays out in great detail the corruption and moral decadence that pervaded the SADF and the Police. There are still many whose crimes against humanity were just as terrible as his own. Now De Kock tells his story: the one that the politicians and the generals had been hoping would never appear.
ISBN 0-620-22198-4 Softback. 332pp; 220 X 149mm; b/w pics.
Publication status: Out of Print.
Scarce - hard to get, collector status. Few second hand copies available.
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~~~4796~12237~A Long Night’s Damage, Colonel Eugene de Kock, Vlakplaas Security Police C1,~
Africa will always break your heart! - Gert Hugo~Gerrie Hugo was born in South Africa and grew up in this country during the years of Apartheid. As the middle son of a non-commissioned army officer, he soaked up the military mindset in hardcore training camps, such as Oudtshoorn and Bloemfontein. Preparing for battle against the Rooi Gevaar (Red Peril) and the Swart Gevaar (Black Peril) he was determined to save his country. As a colonel in the military he played a role in the ‘border war’ conducted in Angola and Namibia as well as the low intensity war waged within the boundaries of South Africa. Faced with the corruption and lies fed to military and civilian people, Hugo finally lost his blinkers and became disillusioned with the system he was fighting for. During the critical years of transition towards the New South Africa the truth dawned upon him — the ‘enemy’ was not at the borders of his beloved country, but within the very military system he had trusted all his life.
ISBN-13 9781920169367 Hardback
ISBN-13 9781920169329 Paperback
Jan 2007. 259 pages.~JDP Publishing
ISBN-13 9781920169367 Hardback
ISBN-13 9781920169329 Paperback
259 pages, hardcover
Gerrie Hugo was born in South Africa and grew up in this country during the years of Apartheid. As the middle son of a non-commissioned army officer, he soaked up the military mindset in hardcore training camps, such as Oudtshoorn and Bloemfontein. Preparing for battle against the Rooi Gevaar (Red Peril) and the Swart Gevaar (Black Peril) he was determined to save his country. Rising to Colonel in the South African Defence Force, he played a role in the 'border war' conducted in Angola and Namibia as well as the low intensity war waged within the boundaries of South Africa.
Faced with the corruption and lies fed to military and civilian people, Hugo finally lost his blinkers and became disillusioned with the system he was fighting for. During the critical years of transition towards the New South Africa the truth dawned upon him - the 'enemy' was not at the borders of his beloved country, but within the very military system he had trusted all his life. He took his evidence to the media, knowing the consequences would be severe and that he would be met by mistrust. He lost his job and his pension, spent time penniless on the streets.
In this book he presents firsthand information regarding the 'Third Force' that threatened to destroy South Africa. An issue that to this day has neither been accepted nor resolved in a country vulnerable to forces from all sides.
In this brutally honest telling of the death and deceit that pre-empted the South African transition, he targets the country's deepest hypocrisies: the 'Christian lifestyle,' the Nationalist society and white supremacy.
Ruthlessly he sheds light on the hidden shames of:
growing up with racial divides
the Dutch Reformed Church's role in advocating the fight against communism and fuelling the national paranoia
the migrant labour system and bantustans.
Today Gerrie Hugo lives in Sweden, where he's building a new life for himself together with his family. Vindicated by the international media, his story is now proven true by reports emerging from the new dispensation. Hugo is married to a Swede, who worked for the Swedish Anti-Apartheid movement in Angola and Namibia at the time he was launching attacks on the same countries.
This is a tale of courage and deceit. Hugo tells it as it was, his hallmark is brutal honesty - the only way towards the truth.
Elma Pollard - Cape Town
NOTE from the publisher
This book by Gerrie Hugo has generated a storm of controversy, but the criticism of the book has come primarily from those who have not read it. A number of people who have actually read the book have commented that it is a delight to read and that the author writes speaks with an authentic voice about the situations and times that he experienced. This book is well worth a read, even if only so that you can make your own mind up about the content.~Africa will always break your heart! (Hardback)|ISBN-13 9781920169367|Africa will always break your heart! (Paperback)|ISBN-13 9781920169329|~4796~11336~MI ANC SANDF SADF South Africa army~
Allah's Bomb: The Islamic Quest for Nuclear Weapons - Al J Venter~According to various intelligence agencies around the world, there are thirty-three international states or entities that have either started the process of building nuclear devices or have expressed an interest in building them. Many, including Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and various former Soviet Republics, have been linked to extreme Islamic militant groups. "Allah's Bomb" is a thoroughly researched and accessible volume that examines the progress of these countries towards full nuclear capability, and the repercussions the situation may have on global society. Veteran war correspondent Al Venter looks at the ample evidence that Islamic countries and al-Qaeda are seeking atomic weapons and are likely to use them. He also examines the programs of countries that armed themselves with atomic weapons (such as Israel, Pakistan, and South Africa), some that came close (such as Libya and Iraq), and some that might, or might have already (such as Saudi Arabia). This timely and important volume will become essential reading for anyone with an interest in the true state of global affairs.
2007. Hardcover 336 pages.
Only autographed copies - very few copies left.~From Publishers Weekly
The peril of nuclear proliferation is urgent and intractable, argues journalist Venter (Iran's Nuclear Option, etc.) in this sprawling exposé, which examines the supply and demand side of the international nuclear black market. Iran, Venter contends, is the most determined and-given its anti-Israel animus-dangerous seeker of nuclear weapons, but al-Qaeda is in the market, as are possibly Saudi Arabia, Syria, Algeria and Egypt. Underpinning their ambitions is a dense web of suppliers, centered on the Pakistani proliferation entrepreneur A.Q. Khan. His network is a dark caricature of globalization, bringing together stolen fissile material from the former Soviet republics, European nuclear technology, Pakistani uranium-enrichment expertise, nuclear-capable North Korean missile designs and know-how from Russia, China, South Africa and elsewhere. With so much support and lax oversight by the International Atomic Energy Agency, Venter warns, covert nuclear-weapons programs like Iran's are far more advanced than is generally understood. Meticulously tracing who sold what to whom, Venter offers a comprehensive, if sometimes disorganized and repetitive, account of the industry, complete with sketchy sidebars on nuclear science and engineering and unhelpful (one hopes) diagrams of atom bombs, centrifuges and missiles. The welter of details about proliferation's intricate maze can be eye-glazing, but they make Venter's book a useful introduction to this unavoidably complex-and dire-issue. (Mar. 1)Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
~Allah%27s Bomb|ISBN-13 9781599212050|~4796~12982~~
Days of the Generals: The untold story of South Africa’s apartheid era military Generals - Hilton Hamann~What really happened during South Africa’s military involvement in Angola? Did the military leaders always see eye to eye with the politicians or for that matter, with each other?
Was South Africa responsible for the death of Mozambican President Samora Machel? What was the extent of South Africa’s nuclear programme? How did South Africa’s military machine deal with the end of apartheid?
Based on interviews with the former generals of the South African Defence Force, Days of the Generals addresses these and many other fascinating questions. The book looks in detail at South Africa’s intervention in Angola, Namibia and Mozambique. It examines the armed struggle of the ANC and the state’s war against the liberation movements. It investigates chemical and biological warfare, the ‘Third Force’ and other top secret issues.
ISBN 1-86872-340-2 Softback. 242pp; 244 X 172mm; 16pp b/w illustrations~~Days of the Generals|ISBN 1868723402|~4796~1499~~
Elimination Theory: The Secret Covert Networks of Project Coast - T.J. Byron~Under apartheid, South Africa's white minority regime felt threatened from within and outside its borders. The survival of the state was paramount in the minds of politicians and especially the military. Both shared a common belief that the country was at war, a total war which required a total response. To this end, a nuclear program was initiated in 1970 and the arms industry grew to a considerably large size. The leaders of the country decided to include chemical and biological weapons in their extensive arsenal, if only so that the military would have at its disposal a full range of a so-called range of unconventional weapons. The chemical and biological warfare program, code-named "Coast," started in 1981 and officially ended in 1995, but that is still to be seen.
is the true story of the author's involvement as an informant/agent for the FBI, South African Intelligence, and the CIA during Project Coast and its networks in both the USA and South Africa.
PubAm 2004. ISBN: 1-4137-2796-4, Softcover, 171 pages,~~Elimination Theory|ISBN 1413727964|~4796~11971~project coast, wouter basson~
Guerrilla Wars in Africa: Lisbon's Conflicts in Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea - Al J Venter~
('Cover' on left is not the book, just a picture we have selected pending the official cover design from the publisher)
This is not a definitive history of campaigns in Portugal's former colonies - Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea, but rather one of a military correspondent's own impressions after many visits to the three theatres of conflict in Africa. The book starts with the Mau Mau because of theknock-on effects that the Emergency in Kenya had that lead to upheavals, coups, mutinies, insurrections elsewhere in Southern Africa over the following 60 years.
600 pages, 200 photos.
Planned Release Date:
Late July 2011
ITEM CODE: GWIA
How South Africa Built Six Atom Bombs: And Then Abandoned its Nuclear Weapons Program - Al J Venter~This is a definitive account of how a maverick government was able to secretly develop and test atom bombs. South Africa - then still dominated by Pretoria's apartheid-orientated regime achieved that objective within six years - or roughly half the time it took Pakistan to test its first nuclear weapon. More salient, it did so with only a fraction of the number of scientists, technicians and specialists involved in other nuclear programs, such as those of India, Pakistan and North Korea: there were never more than a half-dozen nuclear physicists involved in the actual weaponization of the South African bombs. The same analogy holds for the medium range intercontinental missile program that South Africa launched with strong Israeli help. Before it was abruptly terminated by Washington, Pretoria managed to launch at least one of its RSA-3 missiles into the South Indian Ocean landing within a few hundred metres of its designated target. With Israeli involvement - this cooperation that dated back to the early 1970s, even had a plan in the works for a satellite launch. Al Venter argues that if a small country like South Africa could achieve so much - while using limited human resources drawn from its five or six million whites - then it is axiomatic that other countries - or radical political groups - will ultimately be able to do the same. Al-Qaeda has already signalled its intention in a series of web-based nuclear weapons lectures, with examples of this trend. It is also significant that Dr Mohammed AlBaradei, head of Vienna's International Atomic Energy Agency, said in 2007 that it was of grave concern that there were currently more than 30 countries involved in nuclear matters, quite a few of them clandestinely.
ISBN 9780981409849. Ashanti 2008. Softback 238 pages, 85 illustrations, sketches, diagrams, photos, cutaways etc
Currently out of stock/print. An updated version is being printed and stock expected 2011.
(BOOK CODE -
)~~How South Africa Built Six Atom Bombs|ISBN 9780981409849|~4796~11963~atom bomb~
Jack Malloch: Tango Romeo: The Life and Times - Alan Brough~
(Title not finalised. 'Cover' on left is not the book, just a picture & painting we have selected pending the official cover design from the publisher)
This biography is a true life action adventure story of incredible human achievement set against the backdrop of Africa's bloody and turbulent past - a past which has been largely forgotten by the rest of the world. Jack Malloch was a pioneering aviator who ran numerous clandestine airlines in Africa in the early post-independent years where he was involved in gun-running against the encroachment of Communism. He actively fought against the UN, yet was in the pay of both the CIA and the French secret service. He is most well known as the arch Rhodesian sanctions buster who almost single-handedly kept Rhodesia alive through a steady supply of consumer goods, arms and ammunition throughout the years of Rhodesia's UDI.
Planned publication date:
ITEM CODE: TRJM
NOTE - If you have memories of Jack Malloch and can contribute stories, we will gladly pass onto the author. Signed Limited edition copies of Jack and his Spitfire's 'Last Moments Together' painting by William Sykes available - please let us know.
(Title not finalised, 'cover' on left is not the book, just a picture & painting we have selected pending the offical cover design)
World War 2 Spitfire pilot, erstwhile CIA agent and participant in a dozen African wars, coups and revolutions.
It is a classic series of tales about one man's determination to help those whom he believed needed assistance during a period when many of Africa's conflicts were fuelled and abetted by Cold War politics. Africa was not only the battleground of Moscow and Washington, it was also a remarkable cauldron of intrigue, violence and power play that often overflowed national borders.
Jack Malloch was closely involved with Rhodesia's Special Air Service regiment, including having direct involvement in some of that unit's long-range cross border operations.
The CIA also enters the picture, from their initial involvement with Jack in Katanga, through the civil wars in the Congo right to getting US Senate approval to sell him DC-8's in the early/mid 1970's with jet conversion training for his crews in America - which was sponsored by the wife of Claire Chennault, the founder of the CIA's Air America!
Malloch was also involved with the British Military at about the time of Ian Smith's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) and was subsequently involved in some military support flights into the Sudan for Whitehall. There were also clandestine military flights into the Aden desert in the early 1960's delivering weapons for the British SAS in their fight against the Communists. While in the mid-1970's it seems that the British bases in Sharjah were facilitating the sale of second hand equipment and parts for Rhodesia's British built Hunter strike aircraft, subsequently used against the guerrillas who were invading Rhodesia from Mocambique and Zambia.
But most of the 'secret' work that Jack did was with the French Secret Service. The Elysees Palace was linked to a series of events in Katanga and in the Congo (once Tshombe took over) and the French appear to have financed much of Jack's support for the break-away Nigerian enclave of Biafra.
As a result one of Malloch's good friends over the years was the French mercenary Bob Denard. In fact it was Malloch that airlifted Denard and his group of fighters into both Dahomey (Benin today) and the Comoros archipelago the second time he invaded and took the country by force.
Into that mix arrives Jean-Louis Demage, who was in Jack's employ, and who was Bob Denard's second-in-command in the Congo - and apparently Africa's first hijacker. Soon after one of Jack's aircraft was shot down by the U.N. forces invading Katanga, Jean-Louis commandeered a DC-3 on the runway at Katanga's Elizabethville (Lubumbashi today) and forced the pilot to fly a group of wounded mercenaries who had been captured by the U.N. to safety in Kariba along Rhodesia's northern border.
For much of the 1970's Jean-Louis ran the Libreville office of Affretair, Malloch's aviation company which was used to very successfully break the UN's embargo against Rhodesia as well as ferrying cargo, arms and equipment into numerous other African countries.
Jack's flying career started with flying Spitfires in the Italian campaign during WWII, where he was shot down behind enemy lines. In the early 1950's he then flew a Spitfire Mk XXII all the way from the UK to Rhodesia for the embryonic Southern Rhodesian Air Force, and it was in that same Spitfire, after the Rhodesian bush war, that his flying career (and his life) came to an abrupt end in 1982.
He was a very secretive, remarkable and patriotic man who had a major influence on the military history of not only Rhodesia, but of many African countries throughout the 1960's and 1970's. He also had a rare 'flying intuition', which is summed up in the words of one of his WWII comrades: "In terms of ethics, character and flying ability I would compare him to Chuck Yeager".
This biography of Jack Malloch is indeed a true-life aviation 'epic'.
Planned publication date:
ITEM CODE -
TRJM~~4796~12923~Jack Malloch, spitfire pilot~
Midlands - Jonny Steinberg~
is a microcosm of the more than a 1 000 white farmers and their families who have been murdered in South Africa since the fall of apartheid in 1994. It brings clarity to a situation that has long been misunderstood. And it is all true.
Winner of the Sunday Times Alan Paton Award. Impressive understanding of the rural problems,and troubles in many parts of Southern Africa. Highlights the frustrations, betrayals and expectations of people today and how they cope with the tensions and murders. Perhaps a turning point in South Africa, where Midlands reaches the half way point in many peoples lives and future? Compulsive reading.
ISBN 1-86842-124-4 Jonathan Ball, 2003Softcover; 259pp; size 222 X 152mm
On South Africa's Secret Service - Riaan Lauschange~This is the story of the ruthless intelligence war conducted by South Africa's National Intelligence Service during the 1980s and 1990s. The author, Riaan Labuschagne, was a senior intelligence officer who operated widely as an undercover field officer. He tells a story of lies and half truths, secrecy and stealth, evasion and denials, deceits and manipulations. It had little to do with the Calvinistic ethics of Christian nationalism that had provided the guidelines for his upbringing as a young Afrikaner.
2002. ISBN 1-919854-08-8 Hardback, 304pp; size 142 X 168mm, lavishly illustrated with colour, b/w and in-text illustrations. ~Galago 2002
ISBN 1-919854-08-8 Hardback; Non fiction. SIZE: 242 X 168mm; lavishly illustrated with colour, b/w pics and maps.
This is the true story of the ruthless intelligence war conducted by the National Intelligence Service during the 1980s and 1990s. The author, Riaan Labuschagne, was a senior intelligence officer.
On 8 October 2002 the South African government tabled the Intelligence Services Bill in parliament in Cape town. It will make it a criminal offence for former intelligence personnel, or members of the media, to disclose any classified information about the Intelligence services.
That makes it likely this be the last book on this subject that will be published in South Africa. Fortunately, its publication will take place before the Bill comes into effect in the new year. (2004)
On South Africa''s Secret Service
reveals for the first time sensational details of South Africa''s ruthless secret intelligence war as conducted by the National Intelligence Service. It is told by Riaan Labuschagne, a man in the maelstrom of events during the 1980s and 1990s.
In 1981, while still a university student, he was persuaded to take diving parties to the Seychelles during vacations to collect 'routine low grade intelligence on the islands to build up the Service's information bank'. He wasn''t told that the intelligence was required in connection with a pending coup attempt by mercenaries that NIS was supporting. While he was there the coup attempt exploded into action and he was fortunate to escape.
After the conclusion of his university studies and two year's national service as a naval officer, he was accepted into the Service's Counter-Intelligence Division as an undercover field operative.
The Personnel records showed him as Riaan Lesage, which allowed him to work openly under his real name. He found he had entered a world of lies and half truths, secrecy and stealth, evasion and denials, deceits and manipulations. It had little to do with the Calvinistic ethics of Christian nationalism that had provided the guidelines for his upbringing as a young Afrikaner.
He recruited the Soviet Military Attachéé in Gaborone, Botswana, and gained valuable intelligence that allowed the SADF to pre-empt and defeat a major Soviet-supported attack on UNITA in Angola.
He subverted the Libyan Military Attachéé in Gaborone -- a married man with an eye for the girls. The Libyan was corrupted and turned by using a ''honey trap'' in the form of a well-known South African television actress.
While Assistant Trade Representative (the cover used by intelligence agents) at South Africa''s Trade Mission in Harare, he recruited a top MK officer as an agent. The regular flow of information gained ensured that most MK groups who attempted to infiltrate South Africa were intercepted and shot.
Information from a top agent in Zimbabwe''s Central Intelligence Organisation foiled a MK plan to launch attacks against the Swartkoppies and Waterkloof Air Force bases in Pretoria and resulted in the arrest of the culprits.
He explains how in the early 1990s, in the guise of an Afrikaner liberal, he infiltrated the top structures of the ANC in Durban and made friendships with men who later became cabinet ministers. The ANC''s offices were not safe either, and his NIS teams equipped with portable copiers covertly broke into them almost weekly and duplicated every document they could lay their hands on.
He reveals, also for the first time, the existence of the sinister and deep cover Directorate K (for covert), formed by the NIS in much the same way as the SADF formed the notorious CCB. While the NIS did not possess 'executive powers' (a euphemism for a licence to kill), Directorate K probably did.
He tells how Directorate K, acting as an agent provocateur, supplied explosives to AZAPO's military wing, AZANLA, to blow up civilian targets in Port Elizabeth. The reason was to arouse the ire of white Afrikaner right wingers to provoke them into attacking black civilians. It would have provided an excuse to crush them and prevent a much feared attempt by the Afrikaner right wing to seize control of South Africa to stop a ANC takeover in the April 1994 elections.
There is far more than that in this fascinating book.~On South Africa%27s Secret Service|X ISBN 1919854088|~4796~1505~South Africa national secret service intelligence war,~
Project Coast: Apartheid's Chemical and Biological Warfare Programme - Chandré Gould and Peter Folb~This publication explains how the apartheid government in South Africa, in great secrecy within the heart of the military establishment, put together a determined chemical and biological weapons programme aimed at poisoning people within and outside South Africa. The book contains information on the following details concerning ‘Project Coast’: it explains how the apartheid regime planned the deliberate use of chemical and biological agents on people, how the government acquired knowledge and materials to develop these weapons, and how corruption within the programme led to it’s eventual downfall. This book also includes details of the biological and chemical warfare programme used during the bush war in Rhodesia. This book provides a major contribution to the ongoing fight against the spread of biological and chemical weapons in the world today.
UN Publications. ISBN13: 9789290451440, 2003. Softback 312 pages. Charts and tables.~~Project Coast|ISBN13 9789290451440|~4796~11925~chemical and biological weapons, project coast~
Really Inside BOSS: A Tale of South Africa's late Intelligence Service (And Something about the CIA) - PC Swanepoel~Petrus Cornelius "Piet" Swanepoel was transferred to the Special Branch of the South African Police in January 1952. He was to spend the next 32 years as a full time member of South Africa's Security and intelligence Services (BOSS). He describes the origins of the Service, the mystery surrounding the financing of the first attempts to launch an armed struggle against the National Party government, the controversial accounts of the Smit murders and the assassination of Dr Verwoerd, the role played by the CIA in the battle against apartheid and numerous other subjects.
This book is a welcome addition to the literature on the murky battle between security agents and liberation movements. For far too long the allegations against BOSS and its successor have been uncritically accepted. For the first time we have someone from the inside of BOSS telling his story from his side's perspective.
" - Hermann Giliomee:
The Afrikaners: Biography of a People
, University of Virginia Press, 2003
ISBN 9780620382724. 2nd Edition April 2008. Softback, A5, 284 pages.~JD Publishing (Private publication)
2nd Edition April 2008.
Softback, A5, 284 pages.
This book was initially conceived of as nothing else but a commentary on James Sanders'
Apartheid's Friends - The Rise and Fall of South Africa's Secret Service,
which appeared in 2006. Its name was suggested by
, a book written 25 years earlier and copiously made use of by Sanders. For one reason or another the commentary seemed to end up as something else.
I felt called upon to undertake this task, having served in the National Intelligence Service and its predecessors for more than 34 years. My colleagues and I never considered ourselves "Apartheid's Friends". Most of us were opposed to "petty apartheid". We tried to be apolitical and objective. It is true that I saw merit in what came to be called "grand apartheid", the ideal of a Federation of Southern African States, in which my own people, the Afrikaners, would control their own (albeit a small) portion or portions of the country. I even propounded, in print in 1965, the creation of a homeland for whites. Later I was to replace "whites" with "Afrikaners", defined as "Afrikaans-speaking people, irrespective of their race, colour or creed". (This switch to a more inclusive world-view occurred before I discovered that I was a descendant of Eva Krokoa, the Khoekoen (or Hottentot or Khoikhoi) girl, who grew up, (circa 1655) in Jan Van Riebeeck's house in Cape Town!
In a sense this book also sets out to highlight the role played covertly against the previous South African government by Western, as against communist forces. Curiously enough, there appears to be a reluctance on the part of British and American commentators to deal with this issue.
The book is not a literary work. English is not the writer's first language. The reason why it was written in English, was to enable the James Sanders of this world to read it. Numerous and often lengthy verbatim quotations are included. The sources are identified in the script and not in footnotes. There are other limitations as well: no Afrikaner-bashing; no James Bond anecdotes; no sex!
A Reader's Review
I have just completed reading a book titled "Really inside BOSS - A tale of South Africa's late Intelligence Service (And something about the CIA)". Self-published by Pieter Swanepoel, the book provides a brief history of the Bureau for State Security, (BFSS) or BOSS as it came to be known, and its successor, the National Intelligence (NI).
Although English is not Swanepoel's first language, he has done a good job in describing, amongst others, the origins of the service, the Smit murders, the assassination of Dr Verwoerd and the role played by the CIA in destabilising the National Party government. He also covers some of the difficulties and frustrations an intelligence officer experiences in the course of his duties. He even relates particulars of a "dirty trick" perpetrated by himself in Namibia in the 1960's.
The main purpose of the book was to discuss some of the allegations made by BOSS informer, Gordon Winter, after he fled South Africa and published a book called "
" in 1981. The acclaimed British historian, Dr. James Sanders, referred to a number of these allegations in his book about South Africa's intelligence services,
, and this apparently annoyed Swanepoel and led him to provide another view of these events. Although I have not read Winter's book, I would be prone to accepting Swanepoel's version as he cross-references to many documents to prove his writing. Additionally, he spent 32-years in that organisation so he knows what he is writing about. In a recent copy of the magazine,
Dr. Sanders described
Really Inside Boss
as "a fascinating book" and promised to return to it in a later edition of that magazine.
Readers ought however to take note: the book does not cover intelligence tradecraft and can be heavy reading at times. It nevertheless remains an important account on the history of BOSS.
- Eeben Barlow. Eeben Barlow's Military and Security Blog.~Really Inside BOSS|ISBN 9780620382724|~4796~12413~~
Shaking Hands with Billy: The Private Memoirs of Anthony Richard Turton - AR Turton~Dr Turton’s work is the record of a personal journey, through one man’s experiences of various branches of the South Africa Security infrastructure. It is a detailed recollection, and almost obsessively footnoted and cross referenced. It provides a surprisingly intimate glimpse into a hidden world, the subterranean part of the ice-berg that was “The State”. The book takes us beyond this personal narrative however, leading us to explore in our memories and experiences the way that the personal relates to the communal; how the miracle of the 1994 elections had many precursors in some of the most secretive aspects of the National Party created apparatus, and how those experiences could, or should, inform our journey onward as both a society and a country.
Dec 2010. Softback, 228.6mm x 210mm. 556 pages. B/W photos.~Dr Anthony Turton says in the introduction to this book "
I pen the hidden history of South Africa's transition to democracy as I experienced it, for no reason other than to seek to understand it myself. It is with considerable pride and a deep sense of humbleness that I commit a piece of the as yet unknown history of the Chief Directorate Covert Operations (CDCO) of the National Intelligence Service (NIS) to writing. This is done, not with the intention of engaging in an orgy of kiss-and-tell self-aggrandizement, but rather as a humble record for those interested in such things, in order that they may know about the hidden world that was shrouded by intense secrecy that pervaded the very best years of my entire generation.
I dedicate this work to the memory of my comrades-in-arms in the three Security Force formations that I had the privilege to serve in - the Light Horse Regiment (LHR), 81 Armoured Brigade of the South African Defence Force (SADF); the Chief Directorate Covert Operations (CDCO) of the National Intelligence Service (NIS), also known as Chief Directorate "K"; and the South African Secret Service (SASS) of which I was a founding member, specifically serving within the Chief Directorate Covert Collection and Counter Intelligence (CDCCCI) - in a sincere attempt to explain our complex history as accurately as I am capable.
Shaking Hands with Billy
, refers to a code-phrase used during a special operation, designed to bring the planner of the Pretoria car bomb to justice. I experienced this event as a turning point in the Armed Struggle, because I saw a major shift in Security Force response as a direct result, in a way that is remarkably similar to the contemporary American-led War on Terror. Using this analogy, the Pretoria car bomb was our mini 9/11 and nothing was the same afterwards, including the angry response by government that was hell-bent on finding a culprit to hold accountable. As an intelligence officer in that special operations team, I was confronted with many contradictions, so over time the notion of Shaking Hands with Billy came to symbolize to me the political transformation that occurred in South Africa, when we faced our darkest hours. I later came to respect the operative who we code-named "Billy", and was pleased to see him take his rightful place as a democratically elected Member of Parliament. We never brought Billy home to trial as intended, because the peace negotiations aborted all aggressive operations, allowing us to give our full attention to sustaining the momentum towards peace instead. Thus, for me, Shaking Hands with Billy came to eventually represent the transformation in our own society, as we moved from endemic violence to what appears to be a stable peace. I believe that is a noble pursuit and so I share it.
On its surface
Shaking Hands with Billy
is the story of one man's odyssey. And odyssey is, I believe, the correct word, neither overstatement nor misrepresentation. To be sure, many chapters in Anthony Turton's personal narrative describe the recruitment and work of a Cold War soldier - instilling in him a sense of detachment, manifest in that chilling, if necessary, "thousand yards stare". Yet it is less a tactical, macho, warrior epic like the Odyssey than an alienated veteran's dragged-out struggle, his repeated attempts to reconcile himself to a political landscape that is both strange and at times uncomfortable, and then to embrace the chaos and complexity as, for better or worse, his only home.
" - James G. Workman
From the author's website:-
If nationhood is mostly forged by the flames of violent confrontation, and if the history of that process is generally written by the victor, then what happens in the case of South Africa? For in South Africa there has been an oscillation of victor and vanquished, each claiming space in the annals of recorded history - each developing a narrative of its own - often combining mythical elements with recorded fact, resulting in a dogma that resembles an ideology rather than a history.
I believe that in South Africa we had no single victor in our transition to democracy, and so we have no single narrative that describes that transition. I also believe that it was us, the people, who were victors in that cataclysmic struggle that gave birth to our fledgling democracy; and so it is up to us, the people, to write our own history, as we grope our way in the leaderless dark, towards a possible sense of future nationhood. I firmly believe that no single political party was the actual victor, and so no clearly defined narrative exists about which we can all agree. This is why we have no definitive history of the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale for example, because no undisputed claim can be made to the glory often ascribed to victory. Instead, we had a number of mini-victories with an inconclusive ending, leaving enough ambiguity for different parties to lay claim to the glory that has eluded them - the glory that is needed to justify the loss of life and of years dedicated to an otherwise elusive "cause". Likewise, with our transition to democracy in 1994, we have the strange situation where there was no single decisive battle that tipped the scales one way or the other. No Trafalgar that changed everything forever. Instead, we had an unprecedented situation where a political party in power, negotiated itself out of existence, not form a position of weakness, but from a position of principle.
This subtle truth is remarkable and so I have decided to record the events underpinning that moment in historic time as I observed them.
Shaking Hands with Billy
is my personal history of those events. It is the narrative of my life, told as honestly as I am capable of, being academically trained, but also having been an active participant in many of the significant events that gave birth to our fledgling democracy. It is part of a Trilogy that I am planning to write. That Trilogy, when completed, will consist of
Shaking Hands with Billy
as the starting point of two separate journeys. The first journey will be into the future. That book, which I will probably co-author with another accomplished writer, will be about the need to redefine the way that the species called Homo sapiens sees themselves vis-à-vis their natural environment. This is necessary if we are to have a future as a species, because by 2025 a staggering 1.8 billion people will be living in conditions defined as absolute water scarcity (less than 1,000 cubic metres of water per person per year), but two thirds of the global population will be living under conditions of water stress (defined as 1,700 cubic metres of water per person per year). This simple hydrological fact will alter the balance of power globally, and it will radically redefine the way we do things economically, socially and politically. Few realize that our national economy is embedded in a national hydrology. Few understand that water is the new oil. I believe that just as the dinosaurs became extinct through a cataclysmic event that reshaped their environment, so too will all of the current endeavours of that species called Homo sapiens, if we fail to adapt to forces greater than us. That book will be about understanding the constraints of Business as Usual, and starting to develop a whole new paradigm that I call Business Unusual, in which corporations become custodians of the environment, rather than consumers of resources gleaned from that environment. This will be my contribution to the Cleantech and sustainable development debate currently emerging, and in it I will make the case for the management of both water and energy as a flux - a radical departure from the way we think at present. In that book water will be the defining variable that shapes our future as a species, but also as a nation. This will help us to understand water as a business risk, so that corporations can begin to adapt before calamity hits them, as it did in 2008 when undisclosed risk embedded in shares being traded on major stock exchanges, caused an unprecedented collapse of the global economy. The second journey will be back in time, to the origin of my family in Africa. That book will be called How many bones do you need to bury before you can call yourself an African? In that book I will tell the story of the twelve generations of my ancestors that have laid the foundation for what we are today - both as a country and as a nation - for that narrative resonates with us all.
You see, I believe it is only by understanding the past that we can appreciate ourselves in the present; and only once that has been accomplished can we begin to think about what it is we need to do, if we are to collectively shape a better future. I also firmly believe that we can only do this collectively, for Albert Einstein tells us that the level of ingenuity needed to solve a problem, exceeds the level of ingenuity that created the problem in the first place. Knowledge is cumulative, but when we pass a threshold from one paradigm into another, we need a new form of knowledge, simply because the assumptions on which it is based change. I believe in the Ingenuity Gap as defined by Thomas Homer-Dixon and I am convinced that it is the shortage of that vital resource - what I called a Second Order Resource in my doctoral dissertation - that will determine our future in a water-constrained world. This Second Order Resource will shape the Business Unusual Paradigm when water becomes the new oil in the post "peak water" world.
This Trilogy is also necessary, because I believe that the populist narratives now being crafted about the glory of The Struggle are so inflammatory, that it is dangerous if we do not collectively engage with them. People that sing passionately about machine guns, or chant "Kill the Boer" and then hide behind the thinly veiled excuse that these are "Struggle songs" to which there is a cultural "right", deserve to be challenged, because these are threats to our as yet ill-defined nation. We have a number of narratives, each unique in their own complexity and thus deserving respect, that we need to weave together into a rope of great strength. That rope must be capable of supporting us as we cross the many ravines that lie ahead, on that journey towards a sense of common nationhood, in this turbulent country called South Africa that now seems to be bereft of credible leadership. In the place that constantly amazes the world, with its ability to recoil from the very abyss of disaster; where we collectively have the wisdom and ingenuity generated by having been on the cusp of chaos for centuries.
In what other country has there ever been a ruling party that has voluntarily negotiated itself out of power in the broader interest of society? What other military power has ever relinquished its weapons of mass destruction - nuclear, chemical and biological? What other society has held a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, after a period of protracted and bitter conflict, in a genuine attempt to heal themselves as a nation? What other great nation of the world has seen a prisoner of conscience, recognize that his jailer is as much a victim, as he himself is?
South Africa is a great country, but we also have the potential to be a great nation as well. We have, standing before us, the opportunity of breaking the cyclicity of violence that has been our constant companion for 350 years. We have, in easy grasp, the genuine possibility of breaking the curse that sees the victim become the perpetrator, in a binary inevitability of tragedy that plays itself out in other parts of the world, with monotonous and predictable regularity.
I believe that what makes us unique is the fact that we are all victims. There is no clear victor other than us, the people. The Struggle was not about ideology or race in the final analysis. While there were elements of these in The Struggle, it was actually about a far more noble cause. It was about the triumph of the human spirit in the wake of seemingly insurmountable injustice. This is significant, and if we all recognize that we are victims, then we can collectively cleanse ourselves and rise above the burden of destruction that accompanies the victim-perpetrator dynamic, hardwired into the human genome. My family has co-evolved with violence, anxiety, stress and uncertainty for centuries. My oldest relative, Jacob Cloete, was born in 1620 in a small village located in the lowlands of what we now call Germany, close to present day Cologne. He lived through the Thirty Years War that saw the destruction of his country, and he joined the expedition led by Jan van Riebeeck, partly to escape that violence in Europe. He became one of the first Vryburghers to be given land, and he became the founding father of the Cloete clan that went on to become deeply entrenched in the history of this country. Significantly he was also murdered, when on the 16th of March 1692, his body was found alongside the Castle in Cape Town, with three contusions to his head, two large stab wounds in the chest and with twenty five smaller wounds over the rest of his body. His personal belongings were left intact and his sword was still sheathed, suggesting that his attack was vicious, swift and pre-meditated.
This story was to repeat itself with monotonous regularity, generation after traumatized generation. Charles Marais, a French Huguenot and also a forefather of mine, was attacked on his farm le Plessis Marle in Drakenstein, when he confronted two men stealing his produce. One of these men, a Khoikhoi named Edescha, threw a projectile at him, hitting him inside the left groin. This injury caused a blood clot to form and four days later, on the 3rd of April 1689, he died as a result of this embolism entering his heart and lungs. We know this because Charles Marais became the first recorded autopsy in South Africa that established a forensic link between an action - the throwing of the projectile by Edescha - and the death of an individual. What is not overtly stated is that Charles Marais was a refugee, escaping the systematic repression of Protestants in Europe. He was no plunderer of land and perpetrator of genocide as some popular narratives would have us believe. Thus began the evolution of my family, driven by violence, and an adaptation to that violence, as two defining features that make us who we are today - tightly knit, creative, resilient, risk taking - but also deeply suspicious of "outsiders", because their presence has all too often been associated with destruction of the family.
Shaking Hands with Billy
I write that my character was forged on the anvil of Africa by the hammer of violence. I believe this to be true, but I also believe that this is the case for us all. We have collectively been forged as a nation, on the anvil of Africa, by the hammer of endemic violence. That violence began when the Dutch East India Company started a small replenishment station at the Cape of Good Hope. At that moment in time the frontier was opened and the seeds were sown for three and a half centuries of violence that was to ensue. That frontier was closed only in 1994 when we became a democratic nation, and when, for the first time, we had one government, making one set of legitimate laws that were consistent with international norms and standards, applied over one geographically contiguous area of land, with one nation defined by one Constitution in which each is protected by a Bill of Rights.
Shaking Hands with Billy
is about that moment. It tells the story of what happened behind the scenes as we teetered on the very brink of fullscale civil war, when the armed forces of CODESA (the Convention for a Democratic South Africa) faced off against the armed forces of COSAG (the Concerned South African's Group), in a game of brinkmanship that left us with bated breath, because we had no idea which side the Generals would support when the first shots were fired. It delivers a narrative from a specific vantage point, because I was embedded deep inside a top secret unit whose existence has never been acknowledged and whose history has never been made public. That unit was called the Chief Directorate Covert Operations (CDCO), which was part of the National Intelligence Service (NIS), neither of which exists anymore. I served my country in a number of capacities. In one unit known only as K43, we were tasked to avenge the Pretoria car bomb by tracking down, and bringing to justice, the Chief of Staff of Mkonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation), because of his alleged role in authorizing that attack. He was given the code name of Billy, and when we were in a position to capture him, we were to send a signal back saying, "We can shake hands with Billy". This would trigger the next phase of the operation that was based on the abduction of Adolf Eichmann by a crack special operations (Spec Ops) team of the Israeli Mossad. The team selected for our mission had been carefully handpicked from other military units, where each had drawn attention to themselves through deeds and actions under hostile operational circumstances. This story has never been told before and so I tell it in order that it can become part of that historic rope to which I allude. Then there is another narrative, as yet completely unknown in the recorded annals of South African history. That narrative is about a two man Spec Ops team, running out of a unit known as K32, tasked with a deep penetration operation into Mozambique, designed to stem the flow of weapons into COSAG as they built up their armed forces to topple CODESA. That event - Operation Bush Talk - laid the foundation of what became the negotiations that ended the civil war in Mozambique, because it was impossible to stem the flow of weapons while that protracted conflict continued to fester on our border. And so a highly trained Spec Ops Small Team, operating at great personal risk, changed the course of regional history, with ramifications still being felt today. I was part of that team and I am proud of this simple fact, because our actions fly in the face of the popular narrative that portrays all of us who served our country in those turbulent years, as somehow being evil, tainted or dishonourable.
This book is not a kiss and tell affair, so it does not seek to sensationalize that unit, but it does attempt to give an insight into the high impact that a Spec Ops Small Team can have. These lessons have an application elsewhere - even in the modern corporate world where executives are trying to make decisions under conditions of uncertainty - and so I commit them to writing.
Shaking Hands with Billy
is a book about the human spirit confronting great adversity. It is about ingenuity and complex problem solving under conditions of uncertainty. It is about dealing with ambiguity and burning issues of identity. It is also a book that flies in the face of the popular narrative that seeks to glorify what we collectively call The Struggle. In reality, that struggle was often a dirty and sordid affair, involving actions that were dishonourable. If measured against a benchmark of global norms in the cold light of day, specific acts of terrorism occurred, such as the planting of car bombs in the main streets of the state capital, the indiscriminate bombing of civilians, and the slaughter of innocents while at prayer in church, or while simply on their way home walking across an open square in the centre of the city. These acts of terror were perpetrated by both sides, so I do not make the simplistic case that The Struggle was only about the good guys versus the bad guys, as the popular narratives try to do. It was generally a dirty war that many have sought to glorify, because we all need heroes and we all want the glory associated with victory on the field of battle. I do not fall into this category. I try to show that while the war was broadly dishonourable, it was fought, by and large, by people of great integrity on all sides. It is this nuanced view of the Armed Struggle that is not found in any popular narrative about that period of our unfortunate history. This book is certainly not "politically correct", but then I have never learned how to speak that language called Political Correctness, and I believe that those who speak this language with such eloquence are people who cannot be trusted, because they perpetuate a convenient lie. By not being politically correct I show respect to the reader by describing the events unfolding around me, because many inconvenient truths are hidden behind the mysterious veil of political correctness. I believe we need more of this frankness to challenge the rampant populism seemingly out of control. If that populism takes root once more, then all is lost, because it will take us back to a place far darker than from which we emerged in 1994. After all, the rally cry is a song about a machine gun, and we all know that this is not the most appropriate instrument for nation building.
Shaking Hands with Billy
is a book that reads at many levels, simply because that phase of our national history played itself out on many planes, driven by people of diverse world views. At one level it is simply the story of an individual told in his own words. At another level it is the history of a secret intelligence structure, with a highly competent Spec Ops capability that influenced the course of events, during times of great uncertainty. At a different level it describes the process of criminalization of the state, specifically when power corrupted the security forces. At yet another level it is about the story of a generation, because in truth, we were all embroiled in one way or another, as we became the foot soldiers in a conflict we never understood, underpinned by an ideology that had no international credibility, being directed by men whose integrity became increasingly questionable, as the Gordian knot holding it all together slowly unravelled. So at that level it is about honourable people fighting a dirty war in the best way they know how. In the final analysis then, it is about the integrity of the individual, living under harsh operational conditions, when he alone must judge the correctness of his actions, at a time when dissenting officers were being murdered by a corrupt military machine driven mad by paranoia. It is about not simply following orders. More importantly however, it is about the hope of a young nation and the role that veterans can play in the future; because it is veterans alone who have a respect for their "enemy" more profound than any politician can ever articulate. No hardened veteran would ever wish to return to the trenches, and every veteran worthy of that name respects the fallen, irrespective of which side of the Great Divide they fell on. All veterans know that the "enemy" is but a political construct, with no enduring substance to it, at least in the context of a civil war such as we had. Veterans are thus a nucleus of goodwill for the future, just as they are repositories of wisdom from the past.
Shaking Hands with Billy
is thus imbued with a unique optimism about South grappling with the burden of its past, while trying to find a future in an environment that is increasingly constrained by water and energy, set within a global economy still reeling from the financial meltdown that happened in 2008. It provides deep insight into our past, but also into our future. In the final analysis it tells us what we need to do if we are to prevent the emergence of a kleptocracy - that condition arising when a ruling elite corrupts the executive, legislature and judiciary in the quest for personal power and wealth - as a malignant mutation of a fledgling democracy gone wrong as it too is forged on the anvil of Africa by the hammer of criminal violence. History often repeats itself, so
Shaking Hands with Billy
urges us to be vigilant, and it tells us what we should be on the lookout for on our journey ahead as a young nation.~Shaking Hands with Billy|9906|~4796~13488~~
The Communistisation of the ANC - Gerard Ludi~Gerard Ludi was recruited by SA Intelligence to infiltrate the Communist Party which had gone underground after it was banned in 1950. It was still active, financed by and working under the directions of Moscow with the aim of turning South Africa into a Marxist state. Marxists had been fomenting and organising labour unrest in South Africa since the early 1890s. By the 1950s they appeared unstoppable. From their first tenuous hold on Russia in 1917 their evil creed had expanded until it was controlling almost half the world — Russia, Eastern Europe, China, Korea, French Indo China, Malaya, Indonesia, Latin America and much of Africa. Ludi successfully worked his way up the ladder into the inner circle of the communists’ top membership and became trusted by people like Joe Slovo, Ruth First and many other top South African communists. He was so trusted, in fact, that he was despatched to Moscow to be schooled by top KGB officers in the Kremlin. He so impressed the Soviets that they despatched him on a top secret mission to Beijing to seek information that the Soviets required. Ludi soon became one of the most important and successful Western agents working underground in the communist world. Foolishly, the head of BOSS, General Hendrik van den Bergh, ordered that his cover be broken so that top communist, Bram Fischer could be successfully prosecuted. Ludi did so with reluctance, but his value as a Western agent was lost because of the exposure and he resigned from the Service having become a marked man and a target for assassination. However, after a break of a few years he returned to the service to become Chief of the Top Secret and highly successful Clandestine Service, using four different identities he became responsible for controlling many hundreds of witting and unwitting agents operating throughout Africa and in many other countries around the world. Intelligence was his game.
August 2011. Paperback. Size 242 x 168mm; 368pp; 32 pages black & white pics
Dispatching from approx. end Sept/early Oct 2011~
With the vast number of exciting new books being published, almost on a weekly basis, we do not like to duplicate our reviews in more than one publication at a time.
However, THE COMMUNISTISATION OF THE ANC by Gerard Ludi, is such an important and powerful book, we feel obliged to bring it to as many people’s attention as possible.
Not only is this an account of one man’s career as an agent recruited by South African intelligence to infiltrate the Communist Party, and how he became so trusted by both parties he was able to work as a double-agent, but it is also an account of how the intention was to turn South Africa completely communist.
Having been trained in Moscow by the KGB and sent to Beijing to seek information on their behalf, Ludi came to have a deep understanding of the aims and mentality of those wishing to spread communism further. The history of communism in South Africa goes back to the early 1900’s when Bill Andrews founded the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) in 1921. Based on the political and economical theories of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and put into effect by Vladimir Lenin, followed by Mao Zedong in China, communism has, to a larger extent, been disputed by the rest of the world.
This book, which also reads like an extended James Bond novel but without some of the sex and martinis, takes one behind the scenes of what really happened – and is still going on. It tells of cover-ups, errors of judgement, small incidences and co-incidences that changed the intended course of action, of bravery, stress and hope.
THE COMMUNISISTISATION OF THE ANC also gives an insight into “the failed system that has produced this unproductive, unskilled Marxist elite” that through open corruption, greed, ‘jobs for the boys’ and miss-governance appears to have so much control over every-day happenings in South Africa. It also raises the question are we seeing “the first major danger signal that perhaps we are taking the first baby steps on the road to Zimbabwe.”
The warning comes through strongly - “Julius Malema......is not the rebel rousing prophet of the disadvantaged as many seem to fear, but a generously funded stooge of a well-heeled ANC faction of Mbeki loyalists who currently feel threatened.” Thabo Mbeki professed himself to be a ‘true Stalinist’
Alongside an index of people and events that appear in this book, is a list of acronyms and an outline of understanding Marxist/Leninist terminology, as well as an extensive bibliography. Gerard Ludi has called on his extensive first-hand knowledge and long career, as well as having researched the events in this book.
We are told we should learn from history, but will we?
Lesley Thomson, Lazy Lizard Books
~The Communistisation of the ANC|ISBN 9781919854458|~4796~13777~~
The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist - Breyten Breytenbach~Breyten Breytenbach was born in South Africa in 1939. He left South Africa in 1959 to travel throughout Europe, settling in Paris in 1961. He rapidly established himself as a leading Afrikaner poet of his generation, as well as a painter of distinction. Whilst in Europe he became active in the anti-apartheid movement, and it was during a return visit to South Africa in 1975 that he was arrested. He was convicted of terrorism and sentenced to nine years imprisonment. He was eventually found not guilty of the charges, but remained a political prisoner until 1982. Following his release, he returned to Paris, where he still lives with his wife, and obtained French citizenship. In 1992 he co-founded the Goree Institute in Senegal, and in 1995 he co-founded the Centre for Creative Arts at the University of Natal. He has been a Visiting Professor at the University of Natal, Princeton University, the University of Cape Town, and New York University. Breyten Breytenbach has won numerous awards for his writing and his painting, and his books have been translated into more than a dozen languages.
Faber and Faber, 1984. Hardcover. 396 pages.~~The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist|9794|~4796~13192~~
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