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Non-Fiction - Politics~Rhodesia / Zimbabwe~~~4678~4679~Politics (Rhodesia / Zimbabwe)%3Cbr%3EBooks on Southern Rhodesian Zimbabwe history politics government, UDI, %3CBR%3EIan Smith, Robert Bob Mugabe, Joshua Nkomo, %3CBR%3ERhodesian Front, Zimbabwe farms farm takeovers confiscations, Zimbabwean war vetrans violence intimitations. Includes popular titles%3A African Tears%3A The Zimbabwe Land Invasions - Catherine Buckle, Beyond Tears%3A Zimbabwe%27s Tragedy - Catherine Buckle, Bitter Harvest - The Great Betrayal and the Dreadful Aftermath by Ian Smith, The Battle for Zimbabwe%3A The Final Countdown - Geoff Hill. Zimbabwe Political parties Zanu-PF MDF elections~
A Matter of Weeks rather than Months: The Impasse between Harold Wilson and Ian Smith: Sanctions, Aborted Settlements and War: 1965-1969 - J R T Wood~J.R.T. Wood's third definitive book on the post-Second World War history of Rhodesia chronicles the impasse between Rhodesia's Ian Smith and Britain's Harold Wilson in the years 1965-1969.
Trafford 2008. ISBN 1-4251-4807-7. Softcover, 763 pages (1.7kg).
~Trafford, 2008
ISBN 1-4251-4807-7
763 pages

The Book

Founded on 35 years of research into the post-1945 Anglo-Rhodesian history, this book complements Richard Wood's The Welensky Papers: A History of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland: 1953-1963 (1983) and So Far and No Further! Rhodesia's bid for independence during the retreat from empire: 1959-1965 (2005). Of So Far, Michael Hartnack wrote that 'Once in a lifetime comes a book which must force a total shift in the thinking person's perception of an epoch, and of all the prominent characters who featured in it.' A Matter of Weeks Rather than Months recounts the action and reaction to Ian Smith's unilateral declaration of Rhodesia's independence, the second such declaration since the American one of 1776.

It examines the dilemmas of both sides. Smith's problem was how to legitimise his rebellion to secure crucial investment capital, markets, trade and more. His antagonist, the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, was determined not to transfer sovereignty until Rhodesia accepted African majority rule in common with the rest of Africa.

Given British feelings for their Rhodesian kith and kin and Rhodesia's landlocked position, Wilson eschewed the use of force. He could only impose sanctions but hoped they would defeat Smith 'in a matter weeks rather than months'. The Rhodesians, however, evaded the sanctions with such success that they forced Wilson to negotiate a settlement. Negotiations were nevertheless doomed because the self-confident Rhodesians would not accept a period of direct British rule while rapid progress to majority rule was made or the imposition of restraints on powers they had possessed since gaining self-government in 1923.

In tune with their allies in the African National Congress of South Africa, the Rhodesian or Zimbabwean African nationalists had already adopted the Marxist concept of the 'Armed Struggle' as a means to power. Sponsored by the Communist Bloc, its surrogates and allies, they began a series of armed incursions from their safe haven in Zambia. Although bloodily and easily repulsed, they would learn from their mistakes as the Rhodesian forces would discover in the 1970s. Consequently, this is a tale of sanctions, negotiations and counter-insurgency warfare.

The Author
John Richard Taylor Wood, BA(Hons) (Rhodes), PhD (Edinburgh), FRHistS. Dr Richard Wood was born in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia). He was educated at St George's College in Harare (then Salisbury), Rhodes University in Grahamstown, South Africa, and Edinburgh University, Scotland. He was a Commonwealth scholar and is a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. He was the Ernest Oppenheimer Memorial Research Fellow at the University of Rhodesia and a Professor of History at the University of Durban-Westville, South Africa.

This book, A Matter of Weeks Rather than Months: Sanctions and Abortive Settlements: 1965-1969, is the product of 37 years researching the history of Rhodesia. Given exclusive access to papers of the former Prime Minister of Rhodesia, Ian Smith, this is the third book in a series covering the post-Second World War story of Rhodesia. The other two volumes are The Welensky Papers: A History of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 1953-1963 (1983) and So Far and No Further! Rhodesia's bid for independence during the retreat from Empire 1959-1965 (2005). He is at work on a forth as yet untitled volume covering the period 1970-1980.

He is also a military historian, having served as a territorial soldier in the 1st and 8th Battalions, the Rhodesia Regiment, and in the Mapping and Research Unit of the Rhodesian Intelligence Corps. He has published The War Diaries of André Dennison (1989), numerous articles, conference papers and chapters in books, including in a forthcoming book on counter-insurgency. ~A Matter of Weeks rather than Months|ISBN 1425148077|~4678~11879~harold wilson, ian smith, UDI~
A Lifetime of Struggle - Edgar Tekere~Controversial Zimbabwean politician Edgar "Two Boy" Tekere, a former secretary-general of Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF party and President Robert Mugabe's former right-hand man has written his long-awaited autobiography. For writing a book highly critical of Mugabe, Tekere himself has been expelled from the ruling party and the book banned from Zimbabwean state-owned bookshops.
2007, 197 pages~Sapes Books, Harare
ISBN-13 9781779051462
197 pages

Extract from IMPR.NET websiteBy Josphat Nyenyai (pseudonym) , 26/02/07

Veteran nationalist Edgar Tekere has broken one of the most sacred conventions of African liberation doctrine by publishing a book which openly questions the official story of how Robert Mugabe rose to lead his country's main guerrilla movement before becoming independent Zimbabwe's first black prime minister and then state president.

Tekere's newly published autobiography, A Life Time of Struggle, puts Mugabe at the outer periphery, rather than the centre, of the liberation struggle waged by black nationalists in the 1970s to end white minority rule.

Mugabe is cast by Tekere - former secretary-general of Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU PF party - as a reluctant leader of the independence struggle who was thrust into the top position merely by accident of history.

Tekere's revisionism has caused uproar within ZANU PF. There are cries for Tekere's dismissal from the party and a leading Harare bookstore wholly owned by the government has refused to stock his book, which has become an instant bestseller.

At the 1964 launch conference in Gweru - in the central part of the country - of the then Zimbabwe African National Union, ZANU, the Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole was elected president. A distinguished Catholic schoolteacher, Leopold Takawira, was elected vice president. The ZANU executive was quickly arrested and imprisoned for the next ten years, but one member, Herbert Chitepo, managed to flee abroad, becoming the leader-in-exile of the movement.

A second-tier leader, Secretary-General Mugabe, and a third-tier leader, Deputy Secretary for Youth Tekere, then aged just 27, were also imprisoned.

Mugabe became leader only by default, argues Tekere, after Takawira died in prison; Chitepo was assassinated in Zambia (after internal struggles within exiled ZANU factions turned bloody); and Sithole was toppled from the leadership while still in prison.

Although official accounts of the nationalist struggle make Mugabe its kingpin, Tekere writes that during the difficult formative years in the late 1950s of the black nationalist resistance, Mugabe was teaching outside the country in Ghana. When the precursor of ZANU, the National Democratic Party, was launched in 1960 Mugabe still had not returned home.

When Mugabe did return, he was told that despite his considerable academic achievements it would be difficult to incorporate him into the top leadership because he was single.

To overcome the problem, the ZANU leadership arranged a marriage for him with a woman named Abigail Kurangwa, who, says Tekere, "agreed to marry Mugabe, and eventually fell in love with him. Mugabe appeared to reciprocate, and his family liked Abigail".

The fact that Mugabe had agreed to an arranged marriage showed what Tekere argues was a clear trait - deference to his leaders and what the author also argues was a lack of personal vision.

In 1961, when other leaders of the short-lived National Democratic Party rejected Joshua Nkomo as leader, because of his love of luxury living, and tabled a motion to get rid of him, the motion "was countered by none other than Mugabe."

Tekere writes that Mugabe was even reluctant to agree to the sacking of Sithole by ZANU leaders while still imprisoned in Kwekwe Prison. He abstained from the vote.

Tekere says even Mugabe's historic decision to flee across the border with Tekere into Mozambique - after their release from imprisonment in 1975 - was not voluntary one on Mugabe's part. Tekere's flight with Mugabe followed the assassination of Chitepo: ZANU had to move its external bases from President Kenneth Kaunda's Zambia which had arrested the entire external ZANU leadership in the aftermath of the killing.

But who was to take over the leadership in Mozambique?

Tekere writes, "I had always been committed to the armed struggle, and, moreover, as the leader of the youth I was the obvious choice. But I was a junior member in terms of the party structures, so there was need for a very senior Party cadre to accompany me.

"Ndabaningi Sithole had been sacked, Leopold Takawira the vice president had died in detention and the secretary general was Robert Mugabe. Thus it was that Mugabe went with me into exile. It was made clear that he was not going as president of the party, but he had the authority to speak on behalf of ZANU."

But when Mugabe then agreed that ZANU should be absorbed into Bishop Abel Muzorewa's short-lived United African National Council, Tekere writes, "My first disagreement with Mugabe took place then [on their clandestine journey from Rhodesia to Mozambique]. We were discussing what we would do when we met the other [exiled ZANU] recruits, and Mugabe was adamant that we should tell them that we were in the UANC [United African National Council], according to the Lusaka Accords [an agreement designed to unify all the Zimbabwean movements and factions].

"This made me extremely angry, and I said: 'What a treacherous mind you have! We are here by decision of ZANU. I am not part of the UANC. You are a betrayer. I am going to report back to those who sent us here about your betrayal.'

"After that I made sure that he did not meet any recruits when I was not there too, in case he began to talk about the UANC."

The theme of Mugabe as a betrayer of the armed struggle runs throughout the book. After the Chimoio Massacre of November 1977, in which more than one thousand people were killed in a Rhodesian Armed Forces raid on a ZANU camp in Mozambique, Tekere gave a report on the killings to Mugabe, who was in Maputo, Mozambique's capital by the Indian Ocean. Tekere writes, "Two thirds of our dead were women. He [Mugabe] said to me, 'You know what, I'm beginning to wonder whether this is worthwhile, with all these people dying.' But I replied that we must go on to the end. His remark aroused in me a mixture of anger and disgust."

This was the time when Mozambique President Samora Machel is reported to have said of Mugabe, "I respect Mugabe, but he does not measure up to this scale of military operation and planning. He does not belong as a soldier."

When Tekere later told the ZANU commander Josiah Tongogara - later to die in Mozambique in a car crash and be replaced by Mugabe loyalist Rex Nhongo - about this and not to trust Mugabe with details of their discussions, Tekere says Tongogara told him, "Now you have heard it for yourself! You are the one who brought a sell-out here! Look how many of the people have been killed! I told you not to bring him here, but you only believe what I said now because Machel told you!"

Tekere writes, "Some time later, I brought the subject up again with Tongogara: 'Are you saying I brought a sell-out?' This time the two of us analysed the situation and realised that we were both equally apprehensive that Mugabe might let us down. After this we began to isolate out dependable commanders, and tried to discover how many of us were still committed to the war. But this filled us with sadness."

Machel put Mugabe "virtually under house arrest" in the aftermath of the Chimoio massacre. "Security at the house [where Mugabe was kept] was uncomfortably tight", Tekere writes. The house arrest was ostensibly for Mugabe's safety, but the fact that Machel never discussed it with him personally suggests there was another reason.

Tekere says Mugabe did not share his enthusiasm for committing to war. While Tekere went straight into military training on arrival in Mozambique, Mugabe showed no interest and never became a fighter. Explaining to Mugabe why it was necessary for him to learn how to use a gun, Tekere recounted to Zimbabwe's future head of state how King Hussein of Jordan had had to kill five ambushers after his guard and driver had been killed. "I then taught him to handle weapons and to keep them always within reach," said Tekere. "Yes, up to that time, he had not learnt how to use a weapon.

"There are other examples of his lack of appetite for war. Mugabe was the Commander-In-Chief of the Zanla [the acronym of ZANU's guerrilla army] forces, yet he had no uniform. This became obvious to us when the time came to inspect graves, following the Chimoio attack. Here he was, surrounded by the rest of us dressed in our military attire, wearing a suit. It was most incongruous.

"He was really a civilian bureaucrat. He would sit in his office, waiting to receive military briefings from me, and never took the initiative himself unless pushed. He did not know how to salute. I always remember Ndabaningi Sithole's words during the detention years. He said: 'You want Mugabe to be your leader? Mugabe is a good civil administrator.'"

Tekere writes that Mugabe was eventually chosen as ZANU's leader-in-exile because he was a middleman between competing factions, not because he showed leadership qualities.

At a function in Harare to launch the book, Tekere said Mugabe now regarded himself as a king who had single-handedly delivered the country from white rule - although the truth was that he had had to be persuaded to join the nationalist cause wholeheartedly. "I am more ZANU PF than Mugabe," said Tekere. "I have heard ….predictions that 2007 would be a better year for this country. No, it cannot be. It is going to be worse as long as we continue with the slogan 'Pamberi navaMugabe' [Long Live Mugabe]. Mugabe has become a liability to the people of Zimbabwe."

In the book, Tekere concludes, "Robert Mugabe is right at the centre of the nation's problems; in my view 90 % of the blame should go to him, and 10 % to those who have uncritically huddled over him over the years."

ZANU PF has gone into overdrive trying to discredit Tekere's book, which, although highly self-centred, gives new and interesting insights into the personality of Mugabe and the role he played in the armed struggle. Although it fails to provide any new insights into the deaths of Chitepo and Tongogara, the book will inevitably open up a new debate about the man who has been Zimbabwe's only leader since independence from Britain in 1980.

Of the demands being made for his expulsion from ZANU PF, Tekere has replied, "If they do, that will further show that there is no democracy and freedom of speech in ZANU PF. The book contains my personal opinions about the war. So why will I be punished for my opinions?"~A Lifetime of Struggle|ISBN-13 9781779051462|~4678~11804~~
African Tears: The Zimbabwe Land Invasions - Catherine Buckle~The true story of a white farmer in Zimbabwe living side by side with war veterans for 7 months, under constant scrutiny and intimidation. Make-shift homes were erected on the grazing fields and their stock dams and timber plantations were "liberated". The family was left emotionally broken, psychologically crippled and driven to the brink of bankruptcy. They and their farm labourers were harassed and tortured, their livestock killed, their fields roamed by packs of hunting dogs and the farm - eventually burned to the ground. It remains undesignated, unlisted and not required by the government for compulsory acquisition. It chronicles the hardships felt by many Zimbabwean farmers and their families and tells of the destruction of the country's economy, collapse of tourism and ruination of agriculture.
ISBN 1 86842 140 6, 243pp, 14 b/w photos

NB - Follow-up sequel Beyond Tears: Zimbabwe's Tragedy below.
NOTE - see 'Special Offers' section at bottom of this page~Jonathan Ball
ISBN 1-86842-140-69, 222x152mm, 264pp, 14 b/w photos

African Tears: The Zimbabwe Land Invasions, was Catherine Buckle's first book about the devastation of Zimbabwe's farming sector.In it, she describes how in 1990 she and her husband became the proud owners of Stow Farm, with the approval of the Zanu-PF government. They borrowed money at high interest rates to turn the farm into a viable financial enterprise and within seven years they had paid off the loan and were free of debt.

But on 28 February 2000, a mob of men claiming to be veterans of the 1980 War for Independence arrived at their farm gate. The so-called `war vets' claimed that the farm and everything on it was now their property, and that they had come to take back what had been stolen from their ancestors.

African Tears is Cathy's horrifying account of what then transpired. It is the story of her family's experiences and describes the horror of their home, livelihood and investment being taken away from them.

Sadly, the situation in Zimbabwe has continued to deteriorate and African Tears has been reprinted due to public demand. Cathy has also written a second book, Beyond Tears: Zimbabwe's Tragedy, in which she continues to tell the truth about the happenings in her beloved country.Both books are moving testaments to the horror that has been unleashed by President Robert Mugabe's exploitative land policy and the corruption which is running riot in a country that faces both starvation and financial ruin.

`The human effects of Mugabe's madness told as never before. Frightening: it could be repeated in South Africa.' - James Mitchell, Books Editor, The Star, Johannesburg.

`It is not over yet.' - Trevor Ncube, Publisher and CEO of the Zimbabwe Independent and the Standard.~African Tears|ISBN 1868421406|~4678~1446~African Tears%3A The Zimbabwe Land Invasions - Catherine Buckle~
Beyond Tears: Zimbabwe's Tragedy - Catherine Buckle~Beyond Tears is a sequel to African Tears: The Zimbabwe Land Invasions (see above) and is a searing indictment of the Zimbabwe Government's desperate land grab, the destruction of the country's agricultural sector, and the suffering of those who worked and lived on those farms. It is, indeed, a horrifying story of how a country is being destroyed by a government determined to retain power at all costs.
In the book, she talks to the family of a murdered farmer and to five farmers who were abducted with him from the apparent safety of a police station. She also interviews two women who were viciously raped and afterwards found it difficult to find anyone who would help them.
Then, she goes back to her once-thriving farm and finds it has been turned into a squatter camp. Beyond Tears is a sequel to her moving account of how she and her husband turned a 1000 hectare rocky piece of land near Marondera into a productive farm, only to lose it to a group of so called "war veterans" ten years later.
ISBN 1-86842-139-2, 222x152mm, 264pp, 14 b/w photos
NOTE - see 'Special Offers' section at bottom of this page~~Beyond Tears|ISBN 1868421392|~4678~1449~Beyond Tears%3A Zimbabwe%27s Tragedy - Catherine Buckle~
Bitter Harvest: Zimbabwe and the Aftermath of its Independence - Ian Smith~Updated edition of Ian Smith's bestselling Bitter Harvest - The Great Betrayal and the Dreadful Aftermath. Published after his death. With new foreward by Rupert Cornwell
Ian Smith, Rhodesia's former Prime Minister, is a man with the ability to excite powerful emotions in all who hear his name. To those who revere him he is a hero, a mighty leader, a man whose formidable integrity led him into head-to-head confrontation with the Labour Government of Britain in the 1960s.To others he is a demon. In his revealing autobiography Ian Smith himself tells the truth about his remarkable political career. His historic Declaration of Independence in 1965 and the excesses of the Mugabe dictatorship that succeeded him.
'When I look back over what had happened to our country [Rhodesia] over the past 20 years, it would be easy for me to simply say:"I told you so," ' said Ian Smith in the foreword to his book. It is all clearly laid down in the pages of this book. As Mugabe told him on the day they won the election in March 1980: 'We cannot get over how fortunate we are inheriting this jewel of Africa, with its expertise, professionalism, technological know-how, infrastructure, the bread basket of Central Africa, and the skilled technicians who keep the wheels running.' He had it all at his fingertips. ........Today it is a total disaster, absolute chaos indeed anarchy.
435pp; 233 X 153mm; 16pp b/w pics
ISBN 9781857826043 3rd reprint. Softback, 2008.~~Bitter Harvest (Softback)|ISBN 9781857826043|~4678~11913~Bitter Harvest - The Great Betrayal and the Dreadful Aftermath by Ian Smith~
Came the Fourth Flag - Bill Crabtree~This is the fascinating story of Bill Crabtree, his life as a mounted trooper in the British South Africa Police BSAP in the then Southern Rhodesia and his eventual rise to become Deputy Commissioner of police in Rhodesia. During World War II he was seconded to serve as a commissioned officer with British forces in the Middle East and the Italian Dodecanese Islands of the Aegean. After WW2 he was back in Rhodesia and became the OC Special Branch and Deputy Director of the Rhodesian Central Intelligence Organisation. He was deeply involved with other security services in combatting the rise of armed insurrection in the country. In 1970, he accepted a diplomatic position with security/intelligence connocations in Greece, with associated responsibilities further afield in the Middle East. He eventually retired from government service in 1982 and immigrated to South Africa. (Fourth Flag - a reference to the four changes of ensign in Rhodesia)
ISBN 1-904244-19-X Hardback, 336pp, size 240 X 164mm. Illustrated with b/w pics.~~Came the Fourth Flag|ISBN 190424419X|~4678~11656~Came the Fourth Flag - Bill Crabtree, British South Africa Police, bsap, Rhodesian Central Intelligence Organisation CIO,~
Cry Zimbabwe - Peter Stiff~This book deals with Zimbabwe’s independence, the elections crooked in ZANU-PF’s favour in 1980 and at every election since. South Africa’s destabilisation, genocide by Mugabe’s 5-Brigade in Matabeleland, Mugabe’s failed attempt to bring in his faulty constitution, the farm invasions, the murders and the mayhem in the lead-up to the 2000 elections.
ISBN 1-919854-03-7. 2000. Hardback 496pp; 242 X 168-mm; 16 b/w and colour illustrations~Cry Zimbabwe tells how Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF came to political power in Zimbabwe after British and Commonwealth supervised elections in 1980. Acclaimed by the British Government and others as 'free and fair', in reality the process was a sham. It had been seriously flawed by a murderous campaign of intimidation conducted against the black population by the political commissars of ZANLA - ZANU-PF's military wing. Having got away with it in 1980, Mugabe repeated these brutal tactics in the 1985, 1990 and 1995 election campaigns. The result was a Parliament packed with ZANU-PF MPs, with virtually no political opposition. The constitution was changed at will to suit Mugabe and his ruling elite.

Stiff tells how in the 1980s ex-Rhodesians were recruited by the SADF to gather intelligence and destabilise Zimbabwe. How the strike jets at Thornhill Air Base were destroyed in a raid by Special Forces. How its armour came within a whisper of total destruction and how its major armoury at Inkomo Barracks was destroyed and much more.

He details for the first time the bitter fighting between ZANU-PF and ZAPU elements of the National Army that occurred in Bulawayo in 1981 and how it was put down by elements of the former Rhodesian Security Forces. How Mugabe suppressed the report of the Commission of Enquiry looking into it.

Stiff describes how in the early 1980s the North Koreans formed ex-ZANLA guerrillas into a new 5-Brigade and trained it as a murder machine. It was launched into Matabeleland in 1983. Its targets were unarmed and helpless men, women, children, the aged, the infirm - anyone as long as they were Ndebele. The world stood by, paying lip service to caring, while they systematically murdered some 15 000 people and beat, raped, starved, maimed and tortured countless thousands more.

Stiff tells how the SADF armed, equipped and trained Joshua Nkomo's ZIPRA rebels. How this was done, who did it and why, is explained.

Coming right up to date he explains that by the millennium - 20 years on - times had changed. Zimbabweans were dissatisfied with the ruling party's waste and rampant corruption. They were disillusioned with Zimbabwe's military involvement in the Congo - where the ruling elite and senior army officers were raking in cash from rich diamond and other mining concessions. The economy was in tatters. The Zimbabwe dollar had slipped to an all-time low. Unemployment was at record levels and there were widespread shortages of diesel, petrol and commodities.

Mugabe's attempt to introduce a new constitution, which would have allowed him to continue in office as President for virtually the rest of his life, was the last straw. Opposition was mobilised by civic groups and a new political party, the Movement for Democratic Change, led by Morgan Tsvangirai. The electorate rejected the draft constitution in a referendum. Mugabe blamed his defeat on the country's 60 000 whites (out of a population of 13 million), particularly the farmers, whom he accused of supporting the MDC and influencing their workers to vote against the draft.

The book tells how Mugabe vengefully launched invasions of squatters led by ex-ZANLA 'War Veterans' on to white-owned farms. They embarked on a campaign of murder, rape, beatings, torture and intimidation, combined with a forced political 're-education' programme. It did not work and for the first time since 1980 the MDC became the only opposition party to win sufficient seats to provide a substantial parliamentary opposition. On Mugabe's orders, despite the election being over and in defiance of his own High Court, the farm invasions have intensified.

Publisher's Footnote:
It is impossible to overestimate the importance of Cry Zimbabwe. It was at the elbows of all the US legislators responsible for the passing of the Zimbabwe Democracy Act that legislated selective sanctions against Robert Mugabe and his top henchman. Copies were bought by every foreign embassy in South Africa and copies were in the personal possession of the British Foreign Secretary and the Conservative Party's shadow Foreign Secretary. Peter Stiff was interviewed by Tim Sebastian on BBC Hardtalk and more than held his own. It generated enormous international interest. The chapters dealing with the Gukurahundi atrocities and massacres in Matabeleland recently formed the foundation for an incisive BBC World programme that called for the arrest and prosecution by the International Court of Justice of both Robert Mugabe and Perence Shiri for war crimes and crimes against humanity. More such moves are bound follow.

Robert Mugabe might have won his re-election as president in March 2002 by foul means and a crooked election process, but it is not the end of the story.

Sadly, Cry Zimbabwe was an early wake up call as to what was happening in Zimbabwe but the world dithered. That initially it kept on sleeping was a tragedy.

That the world has eventually woken up, and that Zimbabwe has been suspended from the Commonwealth, bodes well for the future. One can be certain that it will eventually spell the end of the brutal dictatorship of Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF regime.

Media reviews:

The story of Rhodesia , its Unilaterial Declaration of Independence in 1965 and the subsequent war that lasted througb 1979 is a fascinating story. For 7 year war launched by ZANLA/ZANU and ZIPRA/ZAPU in or around 1972 culminated in the election of an interim government in 1979 led by Bishop Abel Muzorewa and finally 'independence' in 1980 with the election of Robert Mugabe, the leader of ZANU (PF). In April of 1980 Mugabe assumed office and the white community, which had prepared to leave the country en masse, decided to stay, partly at the behest of the former Prime Minister who had led the country from UDI, Ian Douglas Smith.

The story of Zimabwe's subsequent decline, fall and collapse at the hands of Mugabe's dictatorship has been touched upon in Ian Smith's own Bitter Harvest (2001) and principally in Martin Meredith's Our Votes, Our Guns: Robert Mugabe and the tragedy of Zimbabwe (2002). Meredith's account focuses mostly on the late 1990s. In contrast Peter Stiff, who lived in Rhodesia for 28 years and worked in an elite police unit, has privded readers with a true portrait of the entire experience of Zimbabwe from 1980 through 2000. He is strongest discussing the period 1980-1983, which included the the falling out between Joshua Nkomo and Mugabe and the subsequent ZIPRA resistance to the government, fears of a Matabeleland UDI by the Ndebele people who made the majority of the area and formed the ethnic group (tribe) from which Nkomo was from. Eventually the Zimbabwean government formed the 5 Brigade of North Korean trained soldiers drawn from Mugabe's supporters and unleashed them in Matabeleland in an operation that would come to be known as Gukurahundi, a genocide of Ndebele people.

With an expert's knowledge of the land and its people Stiff brings his typical writing style to this excellent history. There is no flowerly language here, just a strait presentation of the facts with numerous discussions of daring military actions and descriptions of events down to minute details. In many places Stiff leaves the reader with the only existing historical account of events. No other book can provide the level of detail, based on interviews with participants, about secret operations in a country such as Zimbabwe . But Stiff is even better and giving the reader an actual view of how things really are in Africa . For instance he provides a very interesting explanation of why Nkomo left Botswana in 1983. It wasn't because he could get better digs in England or because he had already resolved to return home. It was because there exists in Botswana an ethnic group of Kalanga who are part of the Ndebele tribe. Stiff notes that "the popular view of Botswana is that it is a single-culture country [of Tswana]," barring the few whites and Asians who reside in the capital. When on visits Botswana they don't realize that this cleavage exists and is most pronounced in the area of Francistown are a majority. So much of the writing on Africa, whether in Africa or in the West, simply does not understand the reality of Africa . In Africa this is party because people choose propoganda over reality, and in the West it is due to ignorance and the need to romantisize the continent through the creation of false classifications and categories that do not mirror reality.

As usual, as with all the Galago volumes published by Stiff, there is the usual inclusion of maps, documents and color photographs, something that no book should be without. In the end the last hundred pages chronicle the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the creation of 'war veterans' groups, farm invasions and the attempts to disenfranchise the remaining 86,000 white Zimbabweans. The book chronicles the country's descent into hell as both blacks and whites become victims of the regime. The book also deals with the rise of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. In the end this book will be one of the few first rate chronicles of what befell Zimbabwe in its 20 years after independence and perhaps serves as a reminder of how not to run a country and the danger that 'revolutionary' movements pose when they come to power if they do not act responsibly to ensure free elections and refuse the temptation to demagougery.Seth J. Frantzman - Nahlaot, Jerusalem, Israel

(Peter Stiff) brings an intimate knowledge of the geographical and historical details of Zimbabwe to this work. Further, he is as objective in writing of his former adopted country as one could be, after watching its devastation by the current government. Cry Zimbabwe indeed! He has meticulously end-noted his facts and provides a list of his sources, materialthat the government in Harare would no doubt like to see destroyed . . . the material included is so great that a general description does it injustice.Cry Zimbabwe is recommended as one man's perception of current events in southern Africa and for any current history collection dealing with that area.
Dalvin M Coger - University of MemphisAfrican Book Publishing Record

Stiff catalogues the tactics of Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF at every general election since (and prior to) independence. This of course includes the notorious 2000 referendum and election campaigns. Violence and intimidation appear to have been routine campaign procedures.Anyone who, after reading Peter Stiff's well-written account of the past 20 years of Zimbabwe history, still believes that correcting the land issue (as defined by Mugabe), will solve all that unfortunate country's problems must surely be looking at the world through rose-tinted glasses.
African Defence Journal

Stiff has done extraordinarily well to get firsthand stories . . . a workmanlike record in broad brush strokes as the early promise of democracy withered in the face of Mugabe's manic pursuit of power . . . incredibly good resource material . . .

Sunday Independent - Johannesburg

The cover picture tells it all: a terrified farmer's wife scooping up her children while the dogs bay at the takeover posse at the gate...
Eastern Province Herald - Port Elizabeth

Book reveals that specialist (ex-Rhodesian) bush soldiers were trained in secret camps in the northern Transvaal for the specific purpose of destabilising Zimbabwe and other Frontline States . . . The South African military also supported and armed dissidents from Joshua Nkomo's party who were responsible for more deaths of white farmers in the Matabeleland area than ever occurred in the liberation war . . .
Saturday Star - Johannesburg

From the attack on Thornhill Air Base, which gutted the country's air power, to the failed attempt on the armour park in Harare, most were initiated by Pretoria. None of this excuses the manner in which the new regime sought - blatantly using torture - to pin the blame on loyal members of the Zimbabwean armed forces who happened to be white . . . It [the book) serves a valuable purpose in detailing Mugabe's long campaign of land intimidation . . . Whoever takes on the task [of writing more] will rely heavily on Stiff's mountain of reportage . . .
The Star - Johannesburg

[Cry Zimbabwe] details untold stories that have (un)shaped Zimbabwean politics; like the inside story, here for the first time, of the bitter infighting between ZANU(P/F) and ZAPU elements in the Army in Bulawayo in 1981 and how Mugabe, and the country, were saved from a virtual ZIPRA takeover by former Rhodesian Security Forces . . . It contains harrowing descriptions of how 15 000 Ndebele were beaten, maimed, starved, raped and tortured by the North Korean-trained 5th Brigade . . .
The Citizen - Johannesburg

The obvious access Stiff enjoys with those whose roles in the southern African conflicts remain shrouded in secrecy, make him an important resource in putting together some of the jigsaw pieces of the region's recent history . . . a fascinating account of military intrigue . . .
Sunday Tribune - Durban

This is a very well researched and informative book. Never before have the atrocious deeds of Robert Mugabe's government, especially in Matabeleland in the 1980s, been delineated in such detail. It is a 'must' for everyone interested in the history of southern Africa . . .Mercury - Durban

Readers' comments:

Thank you for your book Cry Zimbabwe: Independence Twenty Years On. It is excellently put together and gives a chronological and readable account of events in that country. This book gives the true history in all its stark reality of the cataclysmic fate Zimbabwe has suffered since the demise of colonialism.
Peter Bertram - Caledon, RSA

I have just read your book Cry Zimbabwe. I must say that it is the best non fiction book I have ever read. I have many friends still in Zimbabwe and like many others I fear for their well being. The part that dealt with the murder of Martin Old brought me to tears.
Bob Arkright, Cape Town

People have asked me why I read about a country that has nothing to do with us. My answer is that what has happened and what is still happening in Zimbabwe IS happening in South Africa. We just keep our eyes closed to it. Your book opened my eyes. The people who do not read your book are those who believe that by keeping their eyes closed and by not saying anything, the problems facing our country will disappear like a bad dream...For anybody interested in our history, your books are a must.
Stephen Opperman~Cry Zimbabwe|ISBN 0919854027|~4678~1456~Cry Zimbabwe - Peter Stiff~
Dinner with Mugabe - Heidi Holland~This penetrating, timely portrait of Robert Mugabe is the psycho-biography of a man whose once-brilliant career has ruined Zimbabwe and cast shame on the African continent. Heidi Holland's tireless investigation begins with her having dinner with Mugabe, the freedom fighter, and ends in a searching interview with Zimbabwe's president more than 30 years later. The author charts Mugabe's gradual self-destruction, and uncovers the complicity of some of the most respectable international players in the Zimbabwe tragedy. Probing the mystery of Africa's loyalty to one of its worst dictators, Holland explores the contradictions that cloud the life of a man who had embodied the continent's promise.
ISBN-13: 978-0143025573, May 2008. Hardback 280 pages.~~Dinner with Mugabe|ISBN-13 9780143025573|~4678~11920~mugabe~
Face of Courage: A Biography of Morgan Tsvangirai - Sarah Hudleston~Against a backdrop of the social, political and economic developments in Zimbabwe, this book focuses on the life and career of Morgan Tsvangirai. It draws on interviews with Tsvangirai and those close to him in order to provide a look at an internationally respected man who has dedicated himself to restoring Zimbabwe to a workable democracy.
ISBN-13: 978-1770130050, 2005. Paperback, 224 pages ~Publisher: Double Storey (30 Jun 2005)
ISBN-10: 1770130055
ISBN-13: 978-1770130050
Paperback: 224 pages

Morgan Tsvangirai had an advantage over many other rural Rhodesian children born in the 1950s - his parents believed he should receive the best possible education to ensure his future. The first of nine children, Tsvangirai made the most of his schooling and subsequent opportunities, which saw him start his working life as a sweeper in a textile factory and move on to the Trojan Nickel Mine as a plant operator.

It was here that Tsvangirai's involvement with the mining trade union began, and in 1985 he took up the full-time position of vice-president of Zimbabwe's Associated Mine Workers Union. Three years later he became secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). Over the next ten years Tsvangirai played a key role in uniting Zimbabwe's trade union and civil movements into an informal opposition to the Zanu-PF government of Robert Mugabe. This culminated, in September 1999, in the launch of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Under Tsvangirai's leadership, the MDC contested the 2000 parliamentary election and the 2002 presidential election, both hampered by electoral irregularities and intimidation, including two sets of treason charges levelled at Tsvangirai.

Against a backdrop of the wider social, political and economic developments in Zimbabwe, "The Face of Courage" focuses on the life and career of Morgan Tsvangirai. It draws on extended interviews with Tsvangirai and those close to him in order to provide an in-depth look at an internationally respected man who has dedicated himself to restoring Zimbabwe to a workable democracy.~Face of Courage|ISBN-13 9781770130050|~4678~11410~~
Foredoomed is my Forest: The Diary of a Zimbabwe Farmer - Richard F. Wiles~In a move instigated by Mugabe, the author, Richard Wiles, tells of the violence and terror which accompanied the seizures of farms owned by white farmers. He relates his own harrowing experiences when his farm is invaded by brutish thugs, who proceed to terrify his farm workers, disrupt his farming operations, and threaten him with death if he does not comply with their demands.
ISBN 1412055849. 2006 Paperback, 360 pages, black and white photographs~Trafford Publishing
ISBN 1412055849
Paperback, 360 pages, black and white photographs

The setting is Zimbabwe. In a move instigated by Zimbabwean President Mugabe, the author, Richard Wiles, tells of the violence and terror which accompanied the seizures of farms owned by white farmers. He relates his own harrowing experiences when his farm is invaded by brutish thugs, who proceed to terrify his farm workers, disrupt his farming operations, and threaten him with death if he does not comply with their demands.

Richard Wiles has established a woodland nature reserve on his property which the government has proclaimed a Protected Forest. As an avid environmentalist, it is his passionate love and concern. He is determined that the government should not rescind on the legal status which it has enshrined on the forest. Likewise, he will fight by every legal means to keep his home of 40 years, 33 of which he has shared with his wife, Beth, who lies in her grave in a quiet clearing of the wildlife sanctuary.

The action begins in 2000. It was then that Mugabe recalled the guerillas who had helped him to power in 1980. He put them on the payroll and sent them onto farms to act as "political protesters". They were known throughout Zimbabwe as War vets. It was a group of these War vets who came onto the author's farm and set up their base in the farm village. From that moment they played havoc with ordered life. It was then too that Richard Wiles began writing a diary. This became the basis of the present book.

Within the pages he tells of the diabolical nature of the War vets and the maddening ambivalence of the police and ministerial officials. Unending stress and frustration will move him to dispair. Withal, when writing up his diary, his innate sense of humour will often break the surface.~Foredoomed is my Forest|ISBN 1412055849|~4678~11037~Foredoomed is my Forest%3A The Diary of a Zimbabwe Farmer, Richard F. Wiles~
From Liberator to Dictator: An insider's account of Robert Mugabe's descent into Tyranny - Michael Auret~This is a personal account of the unravelling of Zimbabwe, written by an insider who was prepared to keep faith with Robert Mugabe until it was almost too late. Michael Auret served for many years on Zimbabwe's respected Catholic Commission of Justice and Peace, which worked tirelessly to defend human rights in that country. In this absorbing memoir, he traces his involvement in the politics of his country, from his days as an opposition MP in Ian Smith's Rhodesia to his involvement with the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and his election as MP for Harare Central in the brutal election of 2000.
ISBN 9780864867315. March 2009. Paperback 192 pages.~~From Liberator to Dictator|ISBN 9780864867315|~4678~12585~~
Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands, 1980-1988~It is ten years since the original publication of 'Breaking the Silence: A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands'. Now the Report is offered again at a time when the events it describes the Gukurahundi have acquired a fresh relevance. This edition has an introduction by Elinor Sisulu, who reflects on her own and others, silence at the time of the killings, as they celebrated a newly independent Zimbabwe; and a foreword by Archbishop Pius Ncube of Bulawayo, who has taken a courageous stand against the ongoing human rights violations by the government of Zimbabwe. It is hoped that this edition will find a new and wide readership, and that the re-availability of the Report will mean that more people will campaign for an end to human rights violations in Zimbabwe, and for restorative justice for the victims.
The 'Gukurahundi' was carried out by the North Korean trained Fifth Brigade, drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA guerrillas, was answerable only to the Prime Minister Robert Mugabe, and not to any of the normal army command structures. This 'private army' killed between 20,000-30,000 people, the majority were of the Matabele tribe.
ISBN 9781850658900. 2007. Softback 440 pages.~~Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe|ISBN 9781850658900|~4678~12442~~
House of Stone: The True Story of a Family Divided in War-torn Zimbabwe - Christina Lamb~This book presents a powerful and intensely human insight into the civil war in Zimbabwe, focusing on a white farmer and his maid who find themselves on opposing sides. In 2000, after Robert Mugabe had launched his controversial land reform programme, Nigel Hough held on to a fervent hope that he might keep hold of his ostrich farm. A few months later, however, he arrived home to see his family residence and livelihood violently seized by veterans - and to his shock saw his former maid Akwe at their head. By tracing the intertwining lives of the Nigel and Akwe - rich and poor, white and black, master and maid - Christina Lamb not only presents both sides of the Zimbabwean dilemma, but captures in achingly intimate terms her own uplifting conviction that, although savaged, there is still hope for one of Africa's most beautiful countries.
ISBN 9780007219391, Paperback 230 pages, Feb 2007.~~House Of Stone|ISBN13 9780007219391|~4678~11482~~
Jambanja - Eric Harrison~A memoir and personal account of a Zimbabwean farmer and the Land Invasions. This humorous and devastatingly poignant novel is a fact based story of a white African's agonizing battle to save his home, farm and family from brutal and intimidating terror attacks. A Major Work, exploring the collective character of a rebellious Nation torn apart by racism and rationalization and offering an exciting insight into relationships between good governance and State sponsored thuggery and terrorism. The reader is taken into the story with such gut-wrenching reality, that putting down the book, is like fighting your way out of a vivid dream.
Eric Harrison 2007, Softback 216 pages.~Eric Richard Harrison / Lulu, 2007
Softback, 216 pages.

Jambanja - (jam-ban'-jah), verb, shona language - meaning: "Fighting, chaos and terror"

He didn't say a word as Whitehat stepped forward. "We are the new owners of Maioio Farm." He said menacingly, as he pointed to the other three. "You have got 24 hours to get off ... now move it!"

This book tells a first-hand story of the intimidation and murder sponsored by the Mugabe Regime. This was the norm during Robert Mugabe's so-called "Fast Track Land Reform".

Harry, a white Zimbabwean farmer, has fought to create a life out from under the shadow of war. From meagre beginnings he carves a successful citrus farm from the "dirt" of a newly-built settlement, only to have it ripped away in a series of vicious and shocking attacks. His family, friends and faith are sorely tested as he struggles to fight back "by the book."

Eric Harrison was inspired to write Jambanja after realising how uninformed those outside Zimbabwe are about the intimidation policies implemented by the government of Zimbabwe in the name of Land Redistribution.

A true Zimbabwean, born in the heart of the country, the author grew up amongst many challenges. He lived and worked with the local population, developing enduring friendships, and learning and respecting their customs and cultures... He grew up immersed in the Rhodesian political arena in a tumultuous era in that country's history. He had been a soldier in the Rhodesian forces, and ended the war as a Pilot in the Police Reserve Air-Wing. Eric Harrison has farmed in Zimbabwe for over 30 years.

Forced by "Jambanja" to leave their farm in South Eastern Zimbabwe, Eric and his wife Joan now live in Harare. They continue to fight for the restitution of their rights, dignity and self respect and those of the hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans of all races who have lost everything. This book contains an Appendix with details of the 16 white commercial farmers who were murdered in the period 2000-2006. As there is no accurate data available, it is known that during this same period, hundreds of black farm workers were also slaughtered.

The purpose of documenting this heart-searing reality is to give them all a voice....

Extracted from the book ....


Much has been written about the legalities of who owned the land shortly after the arrival of the first colonials. The commercial farmer in Zimbabwe, today finds himself in a situation very similar to that of countries like America and Australia, where settlers found that the local population lived a simple and. arguably happy life, oblivious to the ways of the "first world. '

It was natural then that when the colonials did arrive., they brought with them new ideas that did not exist before and hence, development took place at a remark-able rate. In every successfully developed country., land tenure is in place to enable the title owner to use his property as collateral. Without this, loans that enable the. fanner to develop his investment would not be made available.

In the year 2000, at a stroke of a pen, the President of Zimbabwe changed the Constitution, declaring, "the people of Zimbabwe have been unjustifiably dispossessed of their land.". In other words, that the land had been stolen and everything that had gone into developing the land - the years of work, sacrifice and involvement - counted for nothing, Shortly afterwards, he unleashed the war veterans onto commercial farms, unconstitutionally and illegally, forcing the farmers off the land.

This is a true story and like all stories. the storyteller is a part of it too. It is my story. my life but I have told it from the outside. It is a complex and difficult situation in Zimbabwe and I had to take a step back from the intensity of it all to give you, the fullest and fairest picture that I could, so you could make, up your own mind about the justice or injustices done in the name of 'land redistribution'.

There were over 4.500 commercial farmers, their workers plus families at the start of the land invasions.

4,500 stories - this is just one of them.

Eric "Harry" Harrison~Jambanja|8875|~4678~11939~zimbabwe farm invasions, zimbabwe State sponsored thuggery terrorism~
Mugabe: Teacher, Revolutionary, Tyrant - Andrew Norman~Robert Gabriel Mugabe, a former teacher and guerrilla leader, swept to power in Zimbabwe on a tide of euphoria in 1980 with the promise of peace, prosperity and racial harmony. He proceeded to preside over the economic ruination of the country, which he himself once described as the Jewel of Africa . In his desperate attempts to create and perpetuate a one-party state, he thwarted the democratic process, used torture against his own people and deliberately obstructed aid organisations when they offered assistance to the persecuted and starving. Andrew Norman provides the necessary background to the tragedy, from Cecil Rhodes to UDI, and examines Mugabes life prior to 1980 and his years in power. His words and deeds are scrutinised closely, and an entirely new theory as to the reasons for his behaviour is proposed (by a doctor of medicine). Some pictures have been secretly smuggled out of the country for the author to include in this volume.
ISBN 781862274914. 2008. Paperback, 216 pages. B/W photos, maps.~The History Press Ltd, 2008
Paperback 216 pages
ISBN 9781862274914

Review Kirkus Reviews
Condemnatory biography of the now 84-year-old Zimbabwean dictator who has made news - none good - since 1980 and regularly figures in the headlines today for rigging elections and disappearing opponents.Greeted as a liberator when his country, formerly Southern Rhodesia, declared independence in 1980, Robert Mugabe quickly embarked on a program of nationalization. Notable among his targets, writes biographer Norman (Arthur Conan Doyle, 2007, etc.), who lived in Southern Rhodesia in the late '50s, were the country's white farmers. "At the beginning of the 1980s, Zimbabwe's economy was booming," Norman writes. Those 6,000 farmers employed 300,000 black workers and produced vast exports, including two million tons of corn per year. Zimbabwe now imports corn and most of its other foodstuffs, and its people routinely suffer famine and malnutrition - even as Mugabe is building a museum honoring his achievements at whose center, Norman notes, will stand "a 16-foot-long stuffed Nile crocodile - a recent birthday present from his loyal ministers and officials." Plenty of dictators, tyrants and tinhorns have behaved poorly throughout world history; Norman suggests that Mugabe stands tall among them, if only because he apparently has no ideology apart from himself. The author charges that Mugabe became a Marxist, for instance, mostly out of convenience, since communism seemed to assure the success of a cult of personality and since communists seemed to rule indefinitely - or, as Mugabe put it, "What appealed to us most over our induction into communism was the firm instruction that: 'Once you had become the government, you remain in government for ever.' " Mugabe retains power through terror, writes Norman, and with the knowledge that the European Union and the United States will not interfere with his misrule "for fear of being branded imperialist."Well-written, though doesn't offer much more than any recent edition of, say, the CIA World Factbook - save that Norman's righteous indignation is joined by some truly horrific photographs that provide more evidence of the regime's brutality.~Mugabe%3A Teacher, Revolutionary, Tyrant|ISBN 9781862274914|~4678~12292~~
Mugabe: Power, Plunder, and the Struggle for Zimbabwe's Future - Martin Meredith~Robert Mugabe came to power in Zimbabwe in 1980 after a long civil war in Rhodesia. The white minority government had become an international outcast in refusing to give in to the inevitability of black majority rule. Finally the defiant white prime minister Ian Smith was forced to step down and Mugabe was elected president. Initially he promised reconciliation between white and blacks, encouraged Zimbabwe's economic and social development, and was admired throughout the world as one of the leaders of the emerging nations and as a model for a transition from colonial leadership. But as Martin Meredith shows in this history of Mugabe's rule, Mugabe from the beginning was sacrificing his purported ideals—and Zimbabwe's potential—to the goal of extending and cementing his autocratic leadership. Over time, Mugabe has become ever more dictatorial, and seemingly less and less interested in the welfare of his people, treating Zimbabwe's wealth and resources as spoils of war for his inner circle. In recent years he has unleashed a reign of terror and corruption in his country. Like the Congo, Angola, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Liberia, Zimbabwe has been on a steady slide to disaster. Now for the first time the whole story is told in detail by an expert. It is a riveting and tragic political story, a morality tale, and an essential text for understanding today's Africa.
ISBN-13: 978-1586485580. Oct 2007. Paperback 272 pages.~~Mugabe%3A Power, Plunder, and the Struggle|ISBN-13 9781586485580|~4678~11921~mugabe~
Mugabe and the White African (DVD)~"I'm still the Hitler of the times. This Hitler has only one objective; justice for his people, sovereignty for his people. If that is Hitler, right... then let me be a Hitler ten fold." - Robert Mugabe
Robert Mugabe's rule as president of Zimbabwe has been wildly controversial, with his economic plans generally held responsible for the nation's hyperinflation and massive unemployment, while Mugabe has also been accused of widespread human rights violations. One of Mugabe's most notorious programs has been his policy of seizing farms owned by white Africans and turning them over to individuals affiliated with the Mugabe government; many of these nationalized farms have been put in the hands of people with little practical background in raising crops, with the nation's agricultural base thrown into chaos. Many white land owners in Zimbabwe have fled the country, but 75-year-old Michael Campbell is a veteran family farmer who has chosen to stay and fight; rather than turn over his property, Campbell has taken his case to an international court, accusing the government of Zimbabwe of racial discrimination and violation of his human rights by claiming ownership of his rightful property. Filmmakers Lucy Bailey and Andrew Thompson profiled Campbell and presented an indictment of the abuses of the Mugabe administration in this documentary - much of which was filmed covertly.
Directors: Andrew Thompson, Lucy Bailey
Principal actors - Mike Campbell, Ben Freeth
Format - PAL DVD (Region 2). 90 min, full colour.~~Mugabe and the White African (DVD)|ASIN B0038AL7IS|~4678~13140~~
Mugabe's War Machine - Paul Moorcraft and Knox Chitiyo~Mugabe's dictatorship had survived due to the vicious military oppression of the population and the ruthless suppression of opposition. At the same time Mugabe has indulged in numerous military interventions outside his borders regardless of the cost in terms of regional stability, lives and money. The authors examine the background to Mugabe's accession to power through the black nationalist insurgencies against white rule and the civil war between the black Zimbabweans (ZANLA, ZIPRA and militia groups.) Once Black power was established in 1980 Mugabe launched a brutal campaign in Matabeleland using his Central Intelligence Organisation, police, army and the Special Forces 5th Brigade. At least 30,000 'insurgents' and civilians were killed. From 1982 the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) deployed to Mozambique to secure vital transport arteries to the coast. In 1985 ZDF fought alongside troops from Kenya and Tanzania against Renamo and the South African Defence Forces. From 1998 to 2005 the ZDF deployed into the Democratic Republic of the Congo ostensibly to support President Kabila but, in reality, diamonds and other resources were the motives. This war became known as Africa's First World War. Since 2000 Zimbabwe has been in a state of civil war polarised between Mugabe's ZANU-PF and the MDC opposition. At the same time the white farmers have been driven off their land and the economy ruined. Despite the so-called Government of National Unity the outlook remains bleak and Mugabe's grip on power relies on his war machine.
A first full account of Mugabe's military oppression of his people and neighbouring countries, with shocking stories of genocide, murder and torture.
Hardback, 234 x 156mm, 224 pages

Planned print/dispatch date: Sept 2011~~Mugabe%27s War Machine|ISBN 9781848844100|~4678~13602~~
Our Votes, Our Guns: Robert Mugabe and the Tragedy of Zimbabwe - Martin Meredith~A extremely informative and very readable story of how a wealthy and well developed country turned into a major tragedy over a period of twenty years after a crippling war of independence whilst under Mugabe's control. The saddest aspect is while matters started very promisingly with the country ripe for a muti racial experiment, and similarly to South Africa, the early use of force to remove tribal opposition was then applied unremmitingly to the white minority with fatal long term effects on the country's economy.That inequality existed and changes were needed on land distribution were clear - the redistribution when it occurred was done in such a manner that not only were the whites permanently alienated but the corruption and lack of planning as to what to do afterwards has had fatal consequences with mass poverty, unrest and a wealthy and corrupt elite destroying the future prospects for the poorer native populace of the country.The control of every facet by Mugabe's Zanu Party whenever challenged has been met with violence from local opposition using North Korean trained cadres to outright intimidation of the judiciary, who are one of the real heroes in this story.
ISBN: 158648186X, Paperback. 2003, 256 pages.~~Our Votes, Our Guns|ISBN 158648186X|~4678~11033~Our Votes, Our Guns%3A Robert Mugabe and the Tragedy of Zimbabwe - Martin Meredith~
Own Goals: National Pride and Defeat in War, the Rhodesian Experience - Roger Marston~This book examines Rhodesian military history largely through the career of Capt Charles Lendy RA. Lendy joined the Pioneers and then became attached to the BSAP in which role he founded two principles: any civil dissent was to be punished with maximum force and wars were won with firepower. He famously attacked a kraal from which a white trader had been chased by assaulting it with artillery and killing 23 people; this over-reaction became the standard response in Rhodesia for any civil unrest. Secondly he trained the Maxim crews who demolished the Matabele Army. In addition he was involved in the Shangani Patrol whose demise allowed Rhodesians to adopt an American style "manifest destiny", a belief that their settlement was almost God-given. The Rhodesian Army of the 1970s retained these values and so, although they were brave and competent, they lost the war. This defeat was an own goal in that politicians and the public relied on the Lendy era for their views of the Africans with whom they had little contact.
Jan 2010. Paperback 206 pages. 22.6 x 15 x 1.4 cm~~Own Goals|ISBN-13 9781899820818|~4678~12865~~
PK van der Byl: An African Aristocrat - Hannes Wessels~The life and times of PK van der Byl; one of the major players in a political drama in Rhodesia that ended with the accession to power of Robert Mugabe. By his very nature PK was controversial and confrontational. Much can be contested about PK van der Byl but few will dispute he was an extremely colourful character with a devilish sense of humour. The reader will glean new information on a highly controversial subject and emerge with a more sympathetic understanding of what PK van der Byl and his colleagues did and strove for. The human tragedy that has followed the removal from power of Ian Smith and his Rhodesian Front party will almost certainly force the reader to deal with some uncomfortable conclusions, of value to anyone sincere about grappling with the volatile and deeply troubling challenges that confront all Africans today.
Paperback, 312 pages. 198 x 130 / 5 x 7 3/4. 50 photos, maps.~The Book
The narrative gives the reader an overview of the history of the white man in southern Africa with detailed emphasis on the Rhodesian story through the life and times of PK van der Byl; one of the major players in a political drama that ended in the accession to power of Robert Mugabe under the auspices of the British government led by then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. By his very nature PK was controversial and confrontational. This account is likely to give offence to some because it portrays him as bluntly as he was in real life. Much can be contested about PK van der Byl but few will dispute he was an extremely colourful character with a devilish sense of humour. This memoir covers his life with a full flourish while doing nothing to detract from the seriousness of the international political and military conflict in which he was engaged. The reader will glean new information on a highly controversial subject and emerge with a more sympathetic understanding of what PK van der Byl and his colleagues did and strove for. The human tragedy that has followed the removal from power of Ian Smith and his Rhodesian Front party will almost certainly force the reader to deal with some uncomfortable conclusions, of value to anyone sincere about grappling with the volatile and deeply troubling challenges that confront all Africans today.

The Author
Hannes Wessels was born in 1956 in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia (now Harare, Zimbabwe) but grew up in Umtali on the Mozambican border. As a boy, holidays were spent with Game Department rangers; time on safari in Mozambique with the late Wally Johnson was a big influence on him. Wessels also grew to know Robert Ruark whose love of Africa, its people, politics and the written word left a lasting impression. He saw action in the Rhodesian bush war before acquiring a law degree which he chose not to use. He has hunted big game in Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Tanzania in a 20-year career. In 1994 he was severely gored by a wounded buffalo which almost cost him his life. While no longer directly involved in hunting, he is part-owner of a lodge and game ranch in Zambia on the Lower Zambezi and remains keenly interested in all matters relating to African wildlife and conservation. He has published Strange Tales from Africa in the USA, a collection of anecdotes from his hunting days. He is also a syndicated writer for Outdoor Life in the United States and is currently writing a history on the Rhodesian SAS. He is married to Mandy and has two daughters, Hope and Jana, and lives in Darling in the Western Cape Province of South Africa.

Paperback, 160 pages. 198 x 130 / 5 x 7 3/4. 50 photos, maps.


There can surely be few modern (post-1948) Rhodesians whose lives were not in some way affected by' PK' and his works: this well-researched historical memoir will substantiate that. The author chronicles the European and Cape ancestry of the van der Byl family and traces it forward to the Rhodesias of the 20th century. Pieter Kenyon was born on his father's estate among the anglophile 'aristocracy' and visiting royalty on 11 November 1923 - two dates significant in Rhodesian history! He first went to Southern Rhodesia on an elephant-hunt at the age of 13. Thus began his' love affair with Rhodesia and big game hunting'.

A somewhat chequered education at Rondebosch, Cambridge and Harvard, was followed in 1942 by wartime military service in South Africa, Egypt and with the British Army 7lh Hussars as a subaltern to occupied Italy. It was there that his characteristic accent and mode of speech emerged: "the second World War was the best part of my life".

All these experiences served to shape the future public (and private) figure and he thereafter 'decided to make the family fortune out of tobacco in Rhodesia', and emigrated there in 1951. Like many before him, that fortune was not made, and so PK turned on a tobacco tickey to first local, then national politics, joining the Rhodesian Front as 32 founder-member in 1962 amidst African turmoil.

Thus began the career of one of Rhodesia's most controversial and confrontational politicians. MP for Hartley, Parliamentary secretary to Clifford Dupont, (Deputy) Minister of Information Immigration & Tourism ("a skilled propagandist who believed in his own propaganda" wrote The Times). Minister of Foreign Affairs (sanctions-buster extraordinary, deal-maker, 'secret emissary') Minister of Defence ("like no other we had seen before. He was determined to be directly involved.") until 1 976, when relieved by lan Smith, whose right-hand man he had become, and whom he loyally supported until 1987 when the 'white seats' in the Zimbabwe National Assembly were abolished by Robert Mugabe' s ZANU PF regime.

PK has been described as an extremely colourful character with a devilish sense of humour, a "provocateur, contrarian and eccentric" ... even "a glorious ruin "! Surely somebody who became more Rhodesian than the Rhodesians. But perhaps his ultimate accolade is to be found in the sub-title of this book ... Pieter Kenyon Fleming Voltelen van der Byl died in exile in the Western Cape on 15 November 1999 aged 76 and was buried on the family estate at Fairfield.

Philip Garbett, the Rhosarian

"PK van der Byl, african statesman" is both very funny and quite sad. Humorous in that by all accounts Pieter Kenyon Fleming-Voltelyn van der Byl, known universally as "PK", was an "extremely colourful character with a devilish sense of humour." Tragic in that this arch supporter of Ian Smith and the November 11, 1965 Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) opposed Britain and South Africa's efforts to hand the country to Marxist nationalists, fearing that disaster would follow. And it did.

PK was a bon vivant - "when the work was done he knew how to misbehave" - but also quite blunt and the publishers warn that even this biography "is likely to give offence to some because it portrays him as bluntly as he was in real life." The reviewer agrees.

They add his "very nature was controversial and confrontational." The British 'The Times' newspaper called this a "man calculated to give offence" - at least to the British. But was that because he stood up tothem? Because he did not go gently into that good night Britain was determined to send Rhodesia into?

Van der Byl was born in 1923 in Cape Town to Major Piet van der Byl, a minister in Jan Smuts' wartime government. PK himself served in the Union Defence Force before transferring to the British Army and receiving a commission in the 7th Queen's Own Hussars in which he served in Italy and Austria. He moved to the then-Southern Rhodesia in 1950 and quickly moved into Politics. By 1964 he was deputy minister of information and in 1968 he was promoted to minister of information, immigration and tourism, a post he held until 1974 when he became minister of defence and foreign affairs. He held the former post until 1979 but lost the defence portfolio in 1976 due to South African pressure: the latter's Prime Minister John Vorster detested him and it appears the ill-feeling was mutual. After losing defence, he retained foreign affairs and gained the public service ministry. In 1977 he regained information, immigration and tourism in addition to what he already had, though in 1978 he lost the public service job. In 1979 he was for a time transport and power minister.

Wessels researched his subject well and the book is a good synthesis of interviews with PK 's brother William, his widow Princess Charlotte of Lichtenstein, his friend Lin Mehmel, former Selous Scouts officer commanding Ron Reid Daly, his secretary Marge Bassett and Ian Smith himself. There is no indication Wessels interviewed PK himself - he died in November 1999 - but he clearly had access to his records. He is no hagiographer, including much adverse comment, including that by British reporter Max Hastings, who thought PK "a sort of white caveman", a "grotesque parody of a Dornford Yates English gentleman, "appaling" and "dreadful."

He certainly could be. In 1968 or 1969 he was quoted saying: "I have never met a woman with an original idea in her head," adding "no woman could do may job because she would have to command a large staff of senior men who would object and I would agree with them entirely." Wessels says PK's subsequent non-appearance at a dinner of the Business and Professional Women's Club was duly noted by the Rhodesia Herald: "He had been called away to the comparatively safe task of tracking a wounded buffalo," the paper reported... Indeed!

Harold Wilson called him "this very competent brainwasher". PK responded that "Mr Wilson must realise we cannot be brought down by sanctions, but nevertheless this dangerous little man,whose conceit matches his arrogance, is still determined to try an crush us." But why? From Wessels' account it seems various British administrations were determined to punish Rhodesia for defying the crown. This accounted for the spite and malice, duplicity and lies in their dealings with Salisbury. Vorster was feeding the crocodile that was African nationalism in the 1970s, to him Rhodesia was a sacrifice to his idea of détente that he was quite willing to make. Van der Byl's defiance left him livid. Smith, at least, in the words of Henry Kissinger, took being sold up the river "like a true gentleman, "which made it worse."

Leon Engelbrecht, defenceWeb

I still have a vivid memory of a political meeting I attended back in 1979 at which PK presided. Although I was politically conscious from a young age, and had read all about him in The Herald, none of this prepared me for encountering him in person. He was unquestionably one of the most instantly charismatic people I've ever come across.

When I saw you'd published a biography on him, I immediately ordered a copy and have spent the past few evenings reading it from cover to cover. Even though I realised it would ultimately be a painful story, whose ending we all know too well, I have been thoroughly enthralled by the book, and just wanted to say 'thank you' for publishing it. I certainly have a much clearer idea about where PK came from, why he was the way he was, and what happened to him after 1980.

I really did find Hannes' book engrossing. It is certainly a significant new contribution to the documentation of Rhodesian history - thank you so much for publishing it.

David Mitchie PhD~PK van der Byl|ISBN 9781920143473|~4678~12935~~
Rhodesia: Last Outpost of the British Empire 1890-1980 - Peter Baxter~This is the first complete history of Rhodesia, the country founded by Empire Builder, Cecil John Rhodes. It tells how Rhodes' men engaged Lobengula, the Matabele king, in lengthy negotiations while at the same time seeking a Royal Charter and the right for white pioneers to occupy Mashonaland. It relates Rhodesia's history right up to Lancaster House in 1979 and the 'free and fair' elections that foisted the Marxist Robert Mugabe and his regime on the country. Throughout this historical tapestry the author has skilfully threaded in the many often larger-than-life personalities who shaped Rhodesia's destiny from Cecil John Rhodes, Leander Starr Jameson, Frank Johnson, King Lobengula, Archibald Colquhoan and many others, to the later ones like Godfrey Huggins, Sir Edgar Whitehead, Garfield Todd, Joshua Nkomo, Robert Mugabe Ian Smith and a host of others.
576 pages, 242 x 168mm. 48 pages of black and white and colour illustrations.

Two versions available
Hardcover: Autographed, limited to 150 copies - very few copies left, once gone, they're gone!~This is the first complete history of Rhodesia, the country founded by Empire Builder, Cecil John Rhodes. It tells how Rhodes' men engaged Lobengula, the Matabele king, in lengthy negotiations while at the same time seeking a Royal Charter for the British South Africa Company and the right for white pioneers to occupy Mashonaland. It tells of the Pioneer Column and the occupation in 1890, the Matabele War, the Matabele and Mashona rebellions, Rhodesian military involvement in the Boer War and World War I when Rhodesians fought for King and country in SW Africa, East Africa and on the Western Front.

Baxter explains the granting of self government by Britain in 1923 and the rapid development that took place between the wars, including the realisation of the tobacco dream. He writes about Rhodesian involvement in World War II when conscription was introduced as a necessity to halt a flood of volunteers that had become so great that if it had not been stopped it would have damaged the economy of the country. Men and women were detached to British and South African units to avoid the savage casualties of World War I when volunteers had fought in purely Rhodesian units. In this way the Rhodesians fought in every theatre of war, on land, sea and in the air.

Baxter details the tide of white immigration after the war, the establishment and breakup of the Federation of the Rhodesias and Nyasaland and the rising political awareness of the black populace. The bid for full independence from Britain and finally UDI when Rhodesians went alone despite comprehensive UN sanctions. He details the rising tide of the Bush War waged by black nationalists, sustained by the military support of the Soviet Bloc and Red China, and finally the Lancaster House talks that led to a 'free and fair' British and Commonwealth supervised elections which led to the black demagogue Robert Mugabe coming to power.

Throughout this historical tapestry the author has skilfully threaded in the many often larger-than-life personalities who shaped Rhodesia's destiny from the early characters like Cecil John Rhodes, Leander Starr Jameson, Frank Johnson, King Lobengula, Archibald Colquhoan and many others, to the later ones like Godfrey Huggins, Sir Edgar Whitehead, Garfield Todd, Joshua Nkomo, Robert Mugabe, Ian Smith and a host of others.

576 pages, 242 x 168mm. 48 pages of black and white and colour illustrations.

Two versions available
Hardcover: Autographed, limited to 150 copies - very few copies left~Select Edition||Rhodesia%3A Last Outpost (Softcover)|X ISBN 9781919854397 SB|Rhodesia%3A Last Outpost (Hardcover)|X ISBN 9781919854397 HB|~4678~12772~~
Sanctions Double-Cross: Oil to Rhodesia - Jorge Jardim~Jorge Jardim, the Portuguese businessman-cum-diplomat who, from 1965 to 1974, co-ordinated the oil-to-Rhodesia operations, tells why the oil embargo failed during Rhodesia's UDI. He was the trusted right-hand man of the Portuguese Prime Minister Salazar and claims that from the very beginning sanctions against Rhodesia were a double-cross game. They became a farce between the multi-national oil companies and the complicity or, at least, the indifferent apathy of their governments. His avowed aim in writing this controversial book was to clear the name of Portugal which had been blamed for the failure of sanctions, and to show up the real sanctions-busters in what he called "an awe-inspiring international conspiracy".
ISBN 0 86920 197 2, Books of Rhodesia, 1972, S/B~~Sanctions Double-Cross|C ISBN 0869201972|~4678~1462~Sanctions Double-Cross%3A Oil to Rhodesia - Jorge Jardim~
Serving Secretly - An Intelligence Chief on Record: Rhodesia into Zimbabwe, 1964-81~The Central Intelligence Organiztion (CIO) was formed in Rhodesia on the instructions of the then Prime Minister Winston Field in 1963 at the dissolution of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Ken Flower, a Deputy Commissioner of the BSAP at the time, was appointed the first head of the CIO and he went on to serve in that position for several years under Prime Ministers Ian Smith and Robert Mugabe. He writes of his life and history as Rhodesia's intelligence chief in the counter-insurgency bush war, the Lancaster House agreement, the interim transistional goverment under Lord Soames, and briefy with Mugabe. He certainly does not 'tell all' in his book however, and is quite candid about the activities of CIO in both its successes and failures. It is believed that he compromised some of the Rhodesian security forces operations.
John Murray Publishers, 1987. ISBN 0719544386. Hardback 352 pages.

Publication status: Out of Print. Few good second hand copies available. Submit form below to request further information / indicate interest / reserve a copy. (Enter code SSKF in 4th box).        
NB - Please replace the text inside the boxes with your details. After clicking on the 'I am interested' button. the webpage should report that the request has been succesfully sent. If it does not, please email us directly instead. Thank you. ~~~4678~12466~intelligence~
So Far and No Further!: Rhodesia’s Bid for Independence during the Retreat from Empire 1959-1965 - JRT Wood~J.R.T. Wood's second definitive book on the post-Second World War history of Rhodesia.This definitive account traces Rhodesia's attempt to secure independence during the retreat from Empire after 1959. Based on unique research, it reveals why Rhodesia defied the world from 1965. Given the headlong rush of the Macmillan government in Britain in 1959 to be rid of its colonies, Rhodesia should have been the first African colony in line for independence. Rhodesia was self-governing, and possessed most powers, including the right of self-defence. Being in the condition of New Zealand before the grant of dominion status, it seemed logical that Rhodesia would become a dominion. However, many obstacles hindered this political progression. So Far and No Further! chronicles the British attempts to force white-ruled Rhodesia to accept the inevitability of majority rule, and to deny her independence on any other basis. Majority rule was something that Rhodesia's whites understood was inevitable, but they also knew that, until democratic practices were well grounded, it would be disastrous.
Note - J.R.T. Wood's third follow-on book is now available - A Matter of Weeks rather than Months: The Impasse between Harold Wilson and Ian Smith: Sanctions, Aborted Settlements and War: 1965-1969
ISBN 0958489025, 2005, Softback, 533 pages.~ISBN 0958489025, 2005,
Softback, 533 pages

Ian Smith's unilateral declaration of independence for Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) on 11 November 1965 was seen by many as the act of a rebellious white minority seeking to preserve their privileged position in defiance of Britain's determination to shed her Empire and introduce rule by the African majority as soon as possible.

However, the drama of UDI has long overshadowed and oversimplified the complexities of the preceding years. In this account of that time, based on sole access to the hitherto closed papers of Ian Douglas Smith and Sir Roy Welensky, as well as extensive research at London's Public Record Office, and in government and private collections elsewhere, Dr J.R.T. Wood chronicles the collision course on which Britain and Rhodesia were set after 1959, complementing his study of the fate of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in his definitive 'The Welensky Papers: A History of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland 1953-1963'.

Britain, Wood shows, was intent on shedding her Empire as quickly as possible against a backdrop of the Cold War and the rise of Chinese- and Soviet-sponsored African nationalism. She delivered some 600 one man, one vote constitutions to her fledgling nations and had no intention of granting Rhodesia independence on different terms. Unlike Britain's other African possessions, however, Rhodesia had enjoyed self-governance since 1923. The largely white Rhodesian electorate, wary of the consequences of premature and ill-prepared majority rule, sought instead dominion status akin to that of Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Their intention was gradually to pave the way for majority rule: since 1923, Rhodesia's electoral qualifications had excluded race. It was always understood that the African majority would acquire power; the concern was the speed and smoothness of that acquisition.

Culminating in those dramatic days of November 1965 when Ian Smith concluded in the face of resolute British stonewalling that he had no alternative but UDI, this unique account is the first in a series which chronicles the course of events that ultimately led to Robert Mugabe's accession to power in 1980, and all that entailed.~So Far and No Further!|ISBN 0958489025|So Far and No Further! (Sale price)|ISBN 0958489025 Sale|~4678~11035~So Far and No Further!%3A Rhodesia’s Bid for Independence during the Retreat from Empire 1959-1965, JRT Wood~
Soldier No More - David Lemon~Sequel to Never Quite a Soldier: A Rhodesian Policeman's War 1971-1982 - the author's experiences as a BSAP officer.
The author recounts nine years whilst working as an undercover journalist in Mugabe's Zimbabwe. He was freelancing for UK's Sunday Express newspaper and was very much on his own in the country. For him, it was all hugely interesting, albeit fairly horrifying at times and even on occasion, downright scary. Peter Godwin has recently brought out a book in similar vein, called The Fear: The Last Days of Robert Mugabe (Listed on this site) which covers two trips home and apart from the occasional visit to hospitals, his stories are set among various ambassadors and the upper echelons of Zimbabwe society. David Lemon's book lie with the common folk - the povo - and he wandered the townships, the farmlands and the outlying areas in his search for stories. Some of them are horrific, others remarkably light-hearted. With farming destroyed throughout their country, food unobtainable and justice disregarded, Zimbabweans face hunger, homelessness, murder, beatings and a bewildering future. As an unaccredited, part-time journalist, David spent nine years travelling around the country in search of 'human interest' stories for the newspaper. In this book he writes, not only about the horrors of day to day life, but also of the dignity, kindness and courage he met along the way. Soldier No More is a challenging, haunting and inspiring book about ordinary people and how they survive in a cruelly beautiful land.
April 2011. Softback.300 pages.~~Select version||Soldier No More|9960 Early Bird Disc|Soldier No More - Autographed|9960 Early Bird Disc Auto|~4678~13491~~
The Assassination of Herbert Chitepo: Texts and Politics in Zimbabwe - Luise White~On March 18, 1975, Herbert Chitepo, an African nationalist in exile and chairman of the war council that struggled to liberate Zimbabwe from white-ruled Rhodesia, was killed by a car bomb. Since then, there have been four confessions and at least as many accusations about who was responsible. In this book, Luise White does not set out to resolve questions about who was accountable for this murder. Instead, in a style that is as much murder mystery as it is history writing, she uncovers what is at stake in the various confessions and why Chitepo's assassination continues to incite conflict and controversy in Zimbabwe's national politics. White casts doubt on official accounts of the murder and addresses how and for whom history is written and how myths and ideas about civic culture were founded in war-torn Zimbabwe. Although the truth about the assassination of Herbert Chitepo may never be known, readers will discover how one man's murder continues to unsettle Zimbabwe.
ISBN-13: 978-0253216083, Paperback. July 2003. 128 pages.~~The Assassination of Herbert Chitepo|ISBN-13 9780253216083|~4678~11358~The Assassination of Herbert Chitepo%3A Texts and Politics in Zimbabwe~
The Battle for Zimbabwe: The Final Countdown - Geoff Hill~A lively narrative of Zimbabwe’s history paves the way for understanding the present situation in a nation once hailed as an African success story. In a blow-by-blow report on the events of recent years, the author takes us behind the scenes in the opposition MDC party and the governing ZANU-PF party, the land invasions, the presidential elections, the massacre of thousands of Zimbabweans, and the enriching of the ruling elite. In interviews with ordinary citizens of Zimbabwe, ZANU-PF members, opposition supporters, torture victims and exiles, a picture emerges of a country torn apart by its violent past, its oppressed present and its uncertain future. While politicians in Africa, Washington and London debate a political solution to the problems of Zimbabwe, its people face poverty, starvation and hardship. Dissenters are tortured, imprisoned or forced to flee for their lives; more than three million Zimbabweans are living in exile. Yet shining through the gripping, often harrowing narrative, is the Zimbabwean people’s abiding love for their beautiful but tormented land. In the deadly battle for the future, it is their story that is told here.
ISBN 1868726525 Hardback, 304 pages, 230mm x 150mm. Published Oct 2003.~~The Battle for Zimbabwe|ISBN 1868726525|~4678~1470~The Battle for Zimbabwe%3A The Final Countdown - Geoff Hill~
The Fate of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence - Martin Meredith~Also titled as 'State of Africa'
Fifty years ago, as Europes' colonial powers withdrew, Africa moved with enormous hope and fervor toward democracy and economic independence. Today, most African countries are effectively bankrupt, prone to civil strife, subject to dictatorial rule, weighed down by debt, and heavily dependent on Western assistance for survival. What went wrong? Focusing on the key personalities, events and themes of the independence era, Martin Merediths' magisterial history seeks to explore and explain the myriad problems that Africa has faced in the past half-century, and faces still. Acclaimed by reviewers and readers from across the political spectrum, The Fate of Africa is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand how it came to this - and what, if anything, is to be done.
ISBN-10: 1586483986. 2006. Softback, 768 pages, 24 pages b/w photos & maps. (PS - heavy book).~Review

In its 750 pages, this book thoroughly and meticulously charts the history of Africa since independence. Dealing with every single country, it explores and analyses the reasons for the continent's dismal failure. Although it provides a plethora of facts and figures, the work is an accessible and compelling read as it charts the bitter history of 50 years of independence from its hopeful beginnings to today's poverty and despair. Some passages may however upset the sensitive reader.

Africa has been cursed with corrupt and incompetent leaders who never cared for their people. There have been at least 40 successful and many more unsuccessful coup attempts over the past five decades, whilst the latest fashion is to hold sham elections as happened recently in Zimbabwe. Wherever there are natural resources like oil, the money ends up in the pockets of small ruling cliques while most ordinary people live in misery.

The rest of Africa has followed Ghana's example. The first African state to gain independence in 1957, the country was bankrupt within 8 years. Upon taking power, African leaders appointed their cronies in government instead of properly trained civil servants, of which there weren't many to begin with. These ruling elites indulged in corruption, oppression and bribery from the beginning. Today the whole continent produces less than Mexico.

The rogue's gallery of African despots includes Amin, Bokassa, Mobutu, Nyerere, Banda, Mugabe, Kaunda, Kenyatta, Mengistu, Nasser, Nguema and Nkrumah. The extent of the corruption has given rise to the term Kleptocracy. Meredith also looks at other reasons for the failure of Africa, for example rapid population increases and trade protectionism in the West.

The pattern set by Ghana is still repeating, leading to coups d'etat, oppression, misery, murder, refugees and the collapse of civil society. In the 1990s there was the tragedy of Rwanda and most recently, the genocide in Darfur, Sudan. Throwing money at the problem has never resolved anything but may instead have made things worse. Africa has had the equivalent of six Marshall Plans but most of the money ends up in overseas bank accounts. The author points out the relentless tide of graft that characterizes government and business in Africa.

Meredith also looks at the exceptions, like Botswana, South Africa and Senegal. These countries are multiparty democracies with well-run economies. They represent some hope that Africa might one day become a decent place to live. The book includes maps, black & white photographs, explanatory notes and bibliographic references. Well-researched and well-written, it will remain the standard work on the modern history of Africa for a long time to come.

~The Fate of Africa|ISBN 1586483986|~4678~12441~~
The Fear: The Last Days of Robert Mugabe - Peter Godwin~In mid-2008, after thirty years of increasingly tyrannical rule, Robert Mugabe, the eighty-four-year-old ruler of Zimbabwe, met his politburo. He had just lost an election. But instead of conceding power, he was persuaded to launch a brutal campaign of terror to cower his citizens. Journalist and author Peter Godwin was one of the few observers to slip into the country and bear witness to the terrifying period that Zimbabweans call, simply, the Fear. Following on from his compelling and moving memoirs, Mukiwa and When a Crocodile Eats the Sun, this is a personal journey through the country Peter Godwin grew up in and knows so well - a landscape and a people, grotesquely altered, laid waste by a raging despot. At considerable risk, he travels widely to see the torture bases, the burned villages, the death squads, the opposition leaders in hiding, the last white farmers, the churchmen and the diplomats putting their own lives on the line to stop the carnage. Told with Godwin’s brilliant eye for character and natural story-telling gifts, this dark story of Africa’s corruption and violence is populated by extraordinary characters whose lives have been shaped by the Fear.
Oct 2010. Hardcover 23.6 x 15.6 x 3.6 cm. 320 pages~~The Fear|ISBN-13 9780330507769|~4678~13352~~
The Rape of Zimbabwe - Ricky Wilson~This is the true story of the flamboyant Ricky Wilson, often referred to by his compatriots as "Tricky Ricky", who, with his wife and young daughter, emigrated to the then Rhodesia. The opportunities that presented themselves very soon after their arrival, and what he did to acquire wealth, would have been beyond his dreams in the U.K. The book tells of the political settlement, majority rule, and change of government to a black administration led by Robert Mugabe and the trials and tribulations that went with it. Ricky's direct involvement with most of Robert Mugabe's ministers and his Government vividly conveys the trials and tribulations of African politics and the very rife corruption that was--and still is--throttling the country. So many of the country's prosperous settlers who had become the economic backbone of the country have flown to safer havens, and Ricky's plight is representative of many who have had no option but to leave.In a very real sense this is the inside story of a country that has been raped, now reduced to famine and rough injustice by the ruling thugs that have plundered the resources, internal and from outside "aid", to feather their own nests and Swiss bank accounts.
ISBN-13: 978-0595383085. 2006 Softback 250 pages.~~The Rape of Zimbabwe|ISBN-13 9780595383085|~4678~12443~~
The Rhodesian War: A Military History - Paul Moorcraft~Originally titled Chimurenga! The War in Rhodesia 1965-1980, first published in 1982, this new version has had a comprehensive re-write and has been heavily updated.
This book depicts the military history of Southern Rhodesia from the first resistance to colonial rule, through the period of UDI (Unilateral Declaration of Independence) by the Smith government to the Lancaster House agreement that transferred power. There are vivid accounts of the operations against the 'guerillas' by the security forces and the intensity of the fighting will surprise readers. Atrocities were undoubtedly committed by both sides but equally the protagonists were playing for very high stakes. But this is more than just a book on military operations. It provides expert analysis of the historical situation and examines events up to the present day, including Mugabe's operations against rival tribes and white farmers. For a thorough work on its subject this book cannot be bettered. Essential reading for those wishing to learn more about a counter-insurgency campaign. The ingenuity of the Rhodesian military fighting against overwhelming odds and restricted by sanctions is impressive but the outcome culminating in the Lancaster House Agreement was inevitable.
April 2008. Hardcover. 208 pages~~The Rhodesian War|ISBN 9781844156948|~4678~11903~moorcraft, bush war,~
Through the Darkness: A Life in Zimbabwe - Judith Garfield Todd~Judith Todd, the daughter of Sir Garfield Todd, erstwhile prime minister of colonial Southern Rhodesia, spent eight years in exile in Britain as an opponent of white minority rule in Ian Smith’s Rhodesia. She returned to Zimbabwe shortly before independence in 1980, and soon realised that, far from being the solution to Zimbabwe’s ills, Robert Mugabe and his ruling Zanu (PF) party were increasingly becoming the problem. As the country slid into economic and social decline, Todd had a front-row view from her position as director of a local development agency. Over the first 25 years of Mugabe’s rule, she kept journals, notes and copies of letters and documents from which she has compiled an intensely personal account of life in Zimbabwe.
Zebra. ISBN: 9781770220027, May 2007. Softback, 460 pages.~Zebra
ISBN: 9781770220027
Softcover, 460 pages

For more than three decades, Judith Todd has been at loggerheads with successive governments of Zimbabwe. After being jailed and then exiled by Ian Smith's regime, she returned to her country in 1980 and soon realised that, far from being the solution to Zimbabwe's ills, Robert Mugabe and Zanu (PF) were increasingly becoming the problem.

As the country slid into social and economic decline, Todd's position as director of a local development agency gave her a unique vantage point from which to observe the increasing arrogance and cruelty of Zimbabwe's leaders and the suffering and struggles of ordinary citizens. Peopled with household names from diplomats and politicians to international correspondents and liberation leaders, Through the Darkness takes readers from the family ranch outside Bulawayo to Buckingham Palace, from the bowels of Zimbabwe's prisons to the inner sanctums of Mugabe's cabinet. It is also the story of the country's silenced people - their courage, their irrepressible humour, their hopes and their feelings of betrayal. Drawing from journals, letters and documents, this is a fascinating personal account of life in Zimbabwe.

'Judith . . . is a fiery critic of Mugabe, the more effective, and the more reviled by him, because of her impeccable chimurenga "struggle" credentials.' - Peter Godwin in When a Crocodile Eats the Sun

An extract:


"My father delivered me into Zimbabwe at impoverished Dadaya Mission in March 1943. A special ration of meat was provided for the school's boarders to celebrate the event. Many years later, one of those pupils, SG Mpofu, by that time managing director of the publishers Longman Zimbabwe, told me that while they had been glad of the meat, they regretted the birth of another white. Sam also said that each week during the Second World War, my parents being the only ones at Dadaya with access to news from a wireless, my father would report to the assembled school on the war's progress. 'He had no idea that in our little black hearts we were cheering on Hitler,' said Sam. 'We thought Hitler would get rid of you colonists for us.'

Grace and Garfield Todd had arrived in Southern Rhodesia as missionaries from New Zealand in 1934, accompanied by my older sister Alycen, then two. By 1948, my father, from the black background of Dadaya, had entered white politics, the only kind permitted in the then British colony, and become a member of parliament. In 1953 the country became part of a federation of three territories: the white, colonial-governed Southern Rhodesia, and the British protectorates of Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland - today's Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi. The government of Southern Rhodesia, under the premiership of Sir Godfrey Huggins, moved lock, stock and barrel to take over the government of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, leaving clear decks for newcomers. My father became prime minister of Southern Rhodesia.

By 1958 he had been turfed out of government and parliament by the white electorate for working towards a democracy that would embrace the entire population of four million instead of just the quarter million who were white. In an attempt to silence his increasing opposition to minority rule, he was in 1965 restricted to his ranch for one year by the Rhodesian Front government of Prime Minister Ian Smith. This was just before Smith's unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) from Britain on 11 November, which unwittingly accelerated the outbreak of civil war. The declaration clearly demonstrated that if ever there was to be majority rule, it would have to be fought for.

In January 1972, my father and I were arrested. The police presented us with detention orders signed by Rhodesia's Minister of Law, Order and Justice:

'The making of this Order is based on a belief that you are likely to commit or to incite the commission of acts in Rhodesia which would endanger the public safety, or disturb or interfere with the maintenance of public order.'

We were respectively locked up in solitary confinement in the black male prisons of Gatooma, now Kadoma, and Marandellas, now Marondera. When news was smuggled out that I was on hunger strike, I was moved to the white female wing of Chikurubi Prison, Salisbury (now Harare), where there were medical facilities and I was force-fed until my strike was broken.

Thanks to worldwide protests, we were released from jail after five weeks and confined to my parents' house on their ranch, Hokonui. My father remained in detention until 1976.

In July 1972, I was allowed to leave my country for exile abroad. However, I remained classified as a detainee, which meant that my name could not be published in Rhodesia, and it was stipulated that if I returned home, it would be specifically to jail.

The 1979 Lancaster House conference brought an end to Rhodesia's civil war. Lord Soames was appointed governor. A new constitution that effectively revoked the illegal UDI was successfully introduced in Rhodesia's parliament on 11 December by the Minister of Justice, Chris Andersen. Parliament unanimously voted itself out of office, handing power back to the British. On the arrival of Lord Soames from London on 12 December, the country reverted to being the British Dependency of Southern Rhodesia.

Britain assumed power over her reclaimed colony until majority rule elections for a new government could be held and legitimate independence conferred. One of Lord Soames's first acts was to lift detention orders. I was able to return home and did so in February 1980.

At Zimbabwe's independence in April 1980, my father was appointed a senator by the new prime minister, Robert Mugabe. My father retired from public life in 1985, but on 5 June 1986, he was knighted by Queen Elizabeth at Buckingham Palace for services to New Zealand and to Africa. In 2002, he was stripped of his Zimbabwe citizenship and his right to vote by the Mugabe regime, and that October he died in Bulawayo.

Over the years I kept notes and copies of letters that have now turned into this book. It is neither a history nor an analysis of events, but simply charts one person's impressions along Zimbabwe's roller-coaster ride from its birth on 18 April 1980."~Through the Darkness|ISBN 9781770220027|~4678~11453~~
What Happens after Mugabe: Can Zimbabwe Rise From The Ashes? - Geoff Hill~After 25 years in power, Robert Mugabe is under increasing pressure to step down and allow democratic reform in Zimbabwe. Amnesty International rates the country among the worst for torture and abuse of human rights, the Commonwealth has suspended Zimbabwe's membership, and even in Africa there is growing outrage at what some see as a rogue state. In the past five years, millions of words have been written about the tragedy - including more than a dozen books - but few have focused on what might happen when freedom comes. As things stand, schools and hospitals have collapsed, a third of the population lives in exile and 3 000 people die of AIDS every week. Once Africa's second-biggest exporter of food, 70 per cent of the country lives under conditions of famine in the wake of violent land reform. What will it take to rebuild Zimbabwe? This gripping, incisive book discusses many relevant issues and asks serious questions, including:Will 4 million exiles go home to a country with 80 per cent unemployment? Should there be war-crimes trials? Can the economy be revived? Where will the billions of dollars come from that are needed to put things right? What Happens After Mugabe is meticulously researched, with material drawn from hundreds of interviews inside Zimbabwe and among exile communities in Britain, the US and South Africa.
ISBN 1770071024, Paperback. 2005, 192 pages.~~What Happens After Mugabe|ISBN 1770071024|~4678~11031~What Happens after Mugabe%3A Can Zimbabwe Rise From The Ashes? - Geoff Hill~
Where We Have Hope - Andrew Meldrum~An extraordinary and moving memoir by the journalist who lived for twenty years in Zimbabwe before being seized and illegally deported for writing 'bad things' about Mugabe's regime. A testament to the power of hope and courage of those who like Meldrum refuse to accept Mugabe's rule.
Meldrum's style is very easy going and you quickly feel involved in the book. There is sufficient background to provide one with a sense of having traced the country's progression (or lack of) since independence in 1980. Brilliantly written, so much so that even a novice in the subject of the political, economic and social history of Zimbabwe, is left with the whole true picture of what really is happening to that beautiful land now.
ISBN 0719566436, Paperback. 2005, 288 pages~~Where We Have Hope|ISBN 0719566436|~4678~11032~Where We Have Hope - Andrew Meldrum~
Without Honour - Robb JW Ellis~Without Honour is the true story of a white policeman in post-independant Zimbabwe. Join Robb as he details the brief history of Rhodesia and Zimbabwe, taking you to the beginnings of the dissident problem in the Matabeleland Province in early 1982 - the ambush and killings of two of his own friends - the tracking and ensuing gunfight with dissidents and the death of a work colleague. Witness the horrendous scenes as Robert Mugabe lets his North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade loose on the Matabele population. How Robb attempts to handle normal police work in the direct result of these heinous acts, with little or no support or direction. The discovery of dead bodies and the witnessing of the destruction of these - nothing makes sense anymore. What will he do? Spill the beans or walk away? Witness a surprise meeting that Robb has with Robert Mugabe at a luncheon and experience the subsequent decisions Robb has to make as he serves a government that is determined to serve the population "Without Honour" ...
Lulu 2007, Softback 248 pages.~Robb Ellis, 2007
Softback, 248 pages
B/W photos

This is the true story of a young White Policeman in Mugabe's Zimbabwe in the early 1980s. It details his funny as well as horrific experiences as a Policeman and prosecutor. He becomes embroiled in the genocide of the time. At a time when the Western Media was lauding Mugabe as a moderate, Robb and other Policemen were picking up the dead bodies and parts of bodies of people murdered by his 5th Brigade and CIO (Central Intelligence Organisation). One day Mugabe sees him at a parade and calls him over to speak to him. In the end, he gives up his Police career due to threats.

Note - Fifth Brigade, drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA combatants, was different to all other army units at the time, in that it was not integrated into the army. It was answerable only to the Prime Minister (Robert Mugabe), and not to the normal army command structures. Their codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with other existing army units. This 'private army' killed between 20,000-30,000 people, the majority were of the Matabele tribe. In 1988, Mugabe announced an amnesty for all dissidents, and later extended the amnesty to include all members of the security forces who had committed human rights violations.


Review from Folksnyheter by Kenneth Walgren

"Fuck off! You fucking racist! Get yourself out of my country!"

To Robb WJ Ellis, a young white recently appointed policeman in Zimbabwe just after Robert Mugabe's accession to power, it was soon made clear what the new potentates thought of him. At the same time that Mugabe was being lauded by much of the rest of the world, his secret armies were murdering thousands of his political opponents and the ethnic cleansing of the country's white inhabitants continued.
Kenneth Wallgren from Swedish newspaper Folkets Nyheter reviews Robb WJ Ellis' book "Without Honour", a unique documentation from within African politics in practice.....

"The war was over and Robert Mugabe was the new leader of the country as its Prime Minister.

Independence came and went. The family stayed. I breathed a sigh of relief...

Mugabe had addressed the nation and had offered a "hand of reconciliation". He wasn't interested in what colour you were. He wasn't interested in who you fought for pre-1980… He didn't even care who you voted for in the election - he had secured 63% of the voters in the election that brought him and his party to power.

If you wanted to stay, you could stay. He just wanted people who would help build Zimbabwe into the pride of Africa.

And do you know the strange thing about his speech? We all believed it. We all swallowed it - hook, line and sinker."

The excerpt above is taken from "Without Honour", an book about Rhodesia, a grand white civilization that in 1980 was renamed Zimbabwe and subsequently turned into a black banana republic. The author, Rhodesian Robb WJ Ellis was working as a young policeman after the country's transition to Zimbabwe. The title of the book alludes to how Robert Mugabe is serving his country without honour.

Ellis chronologically depicts the development of Rhodesia up until the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965, which shocked the British and the rest of the world since no British colony had declared itself independent since the 4th of July 1776 when the United States of America was founded.

Next, Ellis tells about the Bush War in Rhodesia during the 1970's when several military elite forces were created, proving the Rhodesians to be the best soldiers in the world. He also describes the black terrorist groups and mentions how they were backed by the Soviet Union, China and North Korea. In his book he reminds us of the elements that took over after the White rule, elements who devoted themselves to robbery, murder and inconceivable violence against their fellow citizens, their political opponents in particular.

For at the same time as the leaders, media and leftwing intellectuals of the Western world unreservedly were lauding Robert Mugabe, the new black leader of Zimbabwe, Robb Ellis was forced to collect the body parts of people who were murdered by Robert Mugabe's North Korea trained 5th brigade and intelligence service (CIO). In the 1980's between 20,000 and 30,000 Zimbabweans of the Matabele tribe became the victims of genocide perpetrated by Mugabe and his supporters who were Shona, the largest tribe in Zimbabwe.

Criminal and "radical" elements took care of politics and the world at large had no objections. On the contrary! From then on, matters could only deteriorate.

Following an explanation of the country's historical background, Robb Ellis gives his personal reflections. He begins by explaining how it was emotionally very painful for him to write down his story. His dream had been to become - and remain - just an ordinary policeman. He wanted to solve crimes and make law-abiding citizens out of criminals. But it was not going to be as simple as that. Just like every good policeman he did his job and left his political opinions at home. He was young, had a sense of duty and did his job until his black superiors called him a racist, considered him to be a security risk and forced him into house-arrest.

In his book Robb Ellis describes a meeting with a representative of Zimbabwe's secret intelligence service, CIO. It took place in the beginning of the 1980's on the scene of a crime when Ellis was investigating a case in which a teacher had been murdered in cold blood by soldiers from Mugabe's secret army in front of his young pupils. Before the shooting of their teacher the children had been abused, threatened to death and forced to sing songs extolling the virtues of Robert Mugabe and his party, ZANU PF.

This was just the beginning of the witch hunt of whites in Zimbabwe perpetrated by the government, a witch hunt which later on was to claim many victims. The white farmers were threatened, deprived of all of their rights and were murdered. As the number of whites fleeing the country increased further, Zimbabwe became more and more traditionally African.

So far Robb Ellis, who summarizes his story hoping that one day it will be possible for him to re-establish himself in his old home country. This is a hope he shares with many Rhodesians.

Robb Ellis is one of all of those Rhodesians who have written down their stories. Like other Rhodesians he truly loves his country. When speaking to expatriates of Rhodesia we find that their relationship to their country is passionate. Losing their country was just the same as losing a great love. That is why there are so many, many stories of every detail of the country's history and they are almost always filled with a deep longing and the dream of being able to recreate what once was. But unfortunately that dream most probably will remain just a dream.

However, there is tremendously much to learn from what befell Rhodesia. The world powers have far from ceased putting pressure on white civilizations. They would rather have them all perish before the slanderers of people of European origin are satisfied. This is why it is important also for Swedes to learn from the fact that civilizations actually can perish and that this could well happen to Sweden soon.

I urge you to read Robb Ellis' book. Even though it is apolitical, it is enormously instructive and interesting."

Readers comments

"I have never set foot in Africa, but this book made me all the more aware that the atrocities you read about elsewhere also happen in Africa. The story left me in tears and I enjoyed the book thoroughly. A very easy read."

DM (United Kingdom)

"I have just finished reading your book and wow. Very emotional and sad! I enjoy your style of writing. I kept wondering how you dealt with witnessing such atrocities. It made me realise (again) why I left (South) Africa. Call me over cautious but I would rather get out early than go through what you did. Guess I'm a scaredy cat. I was surprised that they made such racist remarks to you at work! I have been called "whitey" in SA a few times in the street and while it was tempting to yell: Screw you kaffir! (or something like that) I didn't as I am sure I would have gotten jailed or the shit kicked out of me... or even worse... a bullet in the head. I still strongly believe blacks are FAR more racist than whites.

I enjoyed the bit about Robert Mugabe. Many people always say to me that the guy is a mad lunatic like Hitler or Stalin etc but I disagree. I think to get into a position like that requires intelligence. You don't get to that position in life from being an idiot! I'm not saying I agree with what Mugabe has done to Rhodesia (far from it) but I do not think he is mad... just power hungry and willing to do whatever it takes to stay in power. I just wonder when SA gets its first dictator...

Please don't stop writing, its people like you and Jan that make a difference. It would be great to listen to you again on the Right Perspective! I really enjoy the "raw" truth and that's what I love about the internet. If you read/listen to the right sources you can get the greatest news ever. In fact, I don't even bother with reading the mainstream news/media anymore. I apply that way of thinking to all areas of my life. I have never followed the crowd nor do I plan to! "

TVD (United Kingdom)

"Overall, I found the book very good. The first bit, detailing the rise to power of Mugabe, was a little disjointing, too much jumping back and forward in time, which may lead to a little confusion with people who are not as familiar with Rhodesia's history as I am. But, once Robb gets on to his personal history in the police force, the story flowed well and held my attention.

I left Zimbabwe at the end of 1981, so I was intrigued to hear the real story of some of the events that happened after that. Robb has managed to recreate the atmosphere, feelings, and personalities such that I became emotionally involved in his story. The many pictures added spice to the story, and were very interesting.

Well done."

BB (Australia)

"I read your book and found it totally amazing, a very true and rare chronicle of the atrocities and horrors of the Gukurahundi and Mugabe's reign of terror, an awakening of reality which no true Rhodesian or Zimbabwean, or in fact, anybody connected to our country should go without reading. Reading parts of your book was also dramatic and emotional for me."

RP (United Kingdom)

"I like the book, very hard hitting. The book is one that has a specific audience ie from that part of the world."

PWC (Central Asia)

"Just a short note to say that I really enjoyed the book and will certainly recommend it. Without question, Jan was right to encourage you to write this book as it is very informative. I have learnt so much about what life was like behind the scenes, a really good history lesson. Thanks again and good luck with your next book, if you are not writing another... get to it! Maybe a fiction novel?

DY (United Kingdom)

"Have just finished (and thoroughly enjoyed) "Without Honour". It brought all sorts of memories back - some not so welcome.

I wonder whether you recall the murder of four farmers at Somabula Country Club in the mid 80s by 'dissidents'? This was the community in which I grew up.

What I cannot understand is why you never took the plunge and did an LLB. It is obvious to me that you would have made a good lawyer."

MP (Unknown Location)

Robb, I came home and reread your book, cover to cover, absorbing every bloody word!

I felt I was there with you when you found Wally dead, the single quarters, Gwanda, the kraals, yikes man, it was way too real for me! Before, I had skimmed the book on computer because of interruptions etc - but this time, it all soaked in, page by page!

I could even see you sitting with Mugabe eating, trying to do your duty but not relishing the fact, loss of friends, black, white, leaving the police force. All in all one fantastic representation of what a decent police officer with no racial bias, but a deep sense of duty to his country, went through!

A fabulous book! Honest, if it wasn't I'd tell you!

I often wondered what life was like in early post Rhodesian days and this said it all!

PM (United States)

"I finally got to read Robb's book. It has been sitting there with 10001 things going on.

It was excellent. It has a lot of emotion, anger and humanity. What surprised me was his naeivity (initially) in fact even with things falling down around him there was still the possibly, the disbelief that it could happen - so that means there is another reason.

I felt anger and sorrow with the occasional laugh. For me, what came across was that it was a release of demons within Robb but this is only part of the book and does not overwhelm it, more ripple along like a sub-tune within the overall story. Not mentioned but felt.

I would recommend it as a good read, when you can sit and immerse yourself in a book, it can cause raw emotion then it is well worth reading."

CL United Kingdom~Without Honour|8843|~4678~11938~Zimbabwe Fifth Brigade, Zimbabwe Republic Police, ZANU PF, gukurahundi~
Zimbabwe: Years of Hope and Despair - Philip Barclay~Zimbabwe is a country both blessed and cursed. Arriving to work at the British Embassy in Zimbabwe, Philip Barclay found a temperate paradise and a sophisticated and charming population. But during a three-year stay in what used to be Africa's finest country, he saw it ruined by violence and grotesque economic mismanagement. Philip Barclay was at the centre of the tumultuous events of 2008. Zimbabwe's people voted against Robert Mugabe, but their desire for change was denied as vicious squads of indoctrinated youths loyal to the ageing dictator launched a campaign of murder, rape, and destruction. In the wake of such terror, the country's economy and public services collapsed, leading to widespread poverty and epidemics of diseases that Zimbabwe had not seen in living memory. This electrifying account records the violent excesses of a hated clique prepared to do anything to cling to power. It asks why the world stood by and watched as Zimbabwe burned and questions whether power-sharing between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai offers the way forward which the country needs. An honest account of a diplomat's confrontation with a brutal dictatorship, "Zimbabwe" is also a personal story of the resilience - despite their daily experience of despair and death - of Zimbabwe's people.
June 2010. Hardback, 256 pages. 21.4 x 13.8 cm.~~Zimbabwe%3A Years of Hope and Despair|ISBN-13 9781408805206|~4678~13142~~
Zimbabwe Countdown (DVD)~Once touted as Zimbabwe's saviour, Robert Mugabe has become synonymous with bad government and misrule. But where did it all go wrong? What provoked Mugabe to change from liberator to dictator before sucumbing to outside political pressure and accepting an alliance with his political opponents the MDC? Zimbabwe countdown provides a personal insight into these issues from Filmmaker Michael Raeburn, a former supporter of Mugabe, once forced into exile by the Rhodesian government for his beliefs. Raeburn looks back at the implications of colonial rule and the crisis now ravaging his country, forcing him into a second political exile and conflict with his former hero.
HB Films. 52 min - PAL format (Region 2)
Principle actors - R Mugabe
Director - Michael Raeburn~~Zimbabwe Countdown|9793|~4678~13189~~
Special Offers~~~~4678~11665~~
Special collection discount: African Tears / Beyond Tears set~Order Catherine Buckle's 'African Tears: The Zimbabwe Land Invasions' together with 'Beyond Tears: Zimbabwe's Tragedy', and get 10% discount off. Plus a further 5% discount if you order more than one set.~~Select items||Africa Tears (Disc. price)|ISBN 1868421406set|Beyond Tears (Disc. price)|ISBN 1868421392set|~4678~11666~war vets~
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